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About Tägliche Omaha Tribüne. (Omaha, Nebr.) 1912-1926 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 5, 1915)
ZmU tt'Mnt, nreitssi, 5. 101.". griff ß, 3r Yt t" ' 5 2 . . ,! i . ' ' ,1 . . ' i r !- . - J lnkMM HARNEY EOTEl 11. end Harney Sirasse OillAHA. NED. v eMsthe Wir sprechen und Bexten's 12. und Dodge Strafze "" f-- i . x ! ' v:) r. :'! ' J Na - . ' ' . I mTr Erste Klasse Haar-Waaren Zöpfe von ausgekämmtem Haar versertigt Tel.: TouqlaS 27 1522 TouglaS Ztr., kmaha Qit 16. ttnö ftarirara Str. 3. Stock Vaits Block. , &?&77Lnm?Kaäa?b rj Stars & i Flaschenbier TaS köstliche, unübertroffene Produkt der ? $ Willow Springs Feinste Weine und Liköre Wholesale und Retail Henry Follock 124 Nord 15. Strasse DOUGLAS 7162 TELEPHONE j-DOUGLAS 2108 R Alle Postaufträge prompt ausgeführt. Pünktliche Ablieferung TA g nacy auen yenen rer mol. L7Mä tt!IIIIII,N!IIIIIIlIIIIIIIIIII!IIIIIIIIIIIIIII!,IIIIIII!IIIIIIIII,IIIII,III,II,III,III!!I,I!!,IM Ueberzettgen Sie sich selbst! ß Cv5 ffS3n ttprt'j . Mi JvA HM fÄ ?IL,SNEI K 4rYL,jlM' r&m tv, s iiM(llllllllllllll'lltiiiiii riu.ad & Hiopon Deutsche Loichenliestatfer 'Ä Marncy Hotel Chas. C. Sorcnstn, Eljjcnlh. H.undUaraey Str., Omaha Europäischer Plan Slatcn von tl.00 fliifiPärU. ZZc Nimmst uaaut teuerster u. mottm. Ceniral gelegen. Erstklassiges Cafe end ' Lullet In Verbindung Apotheke korrespondiren deutsch! "S"mt, iHrVN Apotheke Lmaha, Ntbr. Fein gewellte Zöpfe '. $3.50 Extra fein gewellte Zöpfe ..$5.00 Stiampoolng Harfrls.r Manlc.rlng Parrilckea and Zöpfe auf Bsitellung ga. macht Priratauftraga in Hotel oder Wohnungen ausgeführt Uhrketten und Jod auf Bestellung gemacht Scfiadeirs Hair Drssslng Parlor I I DRS, MACH & MACH Zahnärzte Best ausgestattete zahnärztliche Of fee im mittlren Westen. Hochgradig pe Arbeit zu müßigen. Preisen. Por. zellansüllungen gerade wie die Zähne. Alle Instrumente sorgfältig steriliftrt nach der Behandlung bei Patienten. Stripe: fi Brewing Co. $ Ta ob das Fremont . 5 PILSENER u. HOFBRAU - P nicht daS beste Bier ist an ' ' Neinheit, Güte n. Geschmack! , ES ist nach echt altdeutscher Methode gebraut und deshalb ', Klar, Perlend, Erfrischend! Fragt immer danach. Haltet eine Kiste daheim 1 FREMONT BREWING COr I FREMONT, NEB. I . mim "Ttruif ii. r;i i f iiiiiiiiiiiiinin Cri , Htls H:ne, 347 .T!ipT,lttll0Z i hc Greatest Socrct of Gcrrnan Progress. By FRANK KOESTER. (In thi, trtlcle Mr. Kocttcr d!icloe th trongeit trait in th Ger man, a tralt pecullarlj- hli own and which, tot th wint vl a bette mm, i, called "ffliciency") , Th treincniloui prorn wliich nrrni.i.ty )u nnilc wiilitn Int'e niore llun a Kr iicr.ti luti 'im been th niur vrl th- wnrlil, arid tiul oulv the liuivel tut für luuie varli U the wurM, a niurtat ttrror. Gcrttiany't ruwtli, her rtciüion, her citictcncy, her tinisicd . jn liave rnade her coinijctitorj ttanu I,. Nulhing irrin ta Ic able tu her, LverjthiiiK itut Geruiany (joi i Joiic witli the iiiiiiiiiiuiu of i'tturt and the tuaxifium o( rctult. In ürrnuny it work. Whatevcr 1t is, it workj, and it workj with irre istible power. In orlicr countrici it dor not work. Or if it work, it work badly. And when , conic tipon the real teeret of whut it 11 thut work und how it works, the ftindinrntal teeret of Gerinany' prerest will he re vraled. the fountain head will have been reiithed. Ihe thuiK that h,i'pcri is that in Gerniany, largc'y by the accident of political considcration, a form of rov rrnment hai been atolved which, in the midst o( the relic of by-Rone form of povernment, is able to ac complish i purposes, the purposes of all RovernmeiUs, that of carrying out the will of the people, in a morc cffective manncr thau that of iy ot her existinK form of Rovcrnment. The Greatest Democracy in the World lmaginc the power of the Rovern tnen: of the Lnitcd States, for ex aninle, or of any gnvermnvnt, if the will of the peoplo could be instantly nccrtuined and instanily put int es fect by a inglc, rcsponsive and re tponsible instrument. It would be irresiKtible. It would be the ideal of Rovernment, the apothcosii of demucraey. The Rovernment of Germany comes nearer that ideal than docs the rov err.mcnt of any other country, and to the enornious effectiveness of its form of government is duc in an over whelming measure, its success. Unless other countrics put int practice the principlcs which are so effective in. Germany, there is no qnestion but that within few genera tions Germany must outstrip all the other countriet of the world com bined. America, however, is already experi mentin? with the tarne governmental principle, locally applied and without realizing that it is the same principle that ha, made Germany what it is to day. The principle hur, as yet no name but it will undoubtedly in time acquire a name. For the present pur poses it may be termed a polyoeraey. To understand its meaning, it will be neeessary to describe the salicnt fea tures of the very complex government al System of Germany, which is but irnperfectly understood even by many Gernians, but which contains, due, as stated, to the accident of political exigencics, the working apparatus which produces the wonderful results and which works in spite of the corn plexity rather than becausc of it.y In order not to be dcflected by non essentials, it will be neeessary to lay aside for the mornent. eriticisms of the German government syMem due to what we term gerryrn:ndering, which is not a vital principle but rather a disease. To understand the tree of government we must imagine it stripped of the disease or fungu of the gerrymander, for that has noth ing to da with its life and proper growth. Gcrrymandcring is no worse in Germany than in the United States, for here Khode Island has as many votes in mir Senate as has New York, while 3,600,000 farmers in New York State overrule 5,500,000 citizens of New York City through so laying out the boundaries of the state's elec tion districts as to vitiate the suf frages of the city dwellers. Germany Not a Monarchy To begin with, the German Empire is not a monarchy. These misnom ers prove a powerful source of error to Americans in dealing with German institutions and government. The German Empire is a confed eration of what were once kingdoms, duchies,' states, and free cilies. All these overeign members upon entcr ing into the confederation, surfend cred their sovereignty to the "empire" as regards foreign relations and such functions as cöinagc, tariffs, and cer tain otliers best administered by a central government, but retained their individual powers to a much greater extent than did the states of the Am erican union when it was formed. The kingdoms which compose the German Empire still have their kings. their court, their houses of lords and comrautis,' their local governments, and practicaily all- the procedure and powers over their own affairs which they formerly exercised. Of these kingdoms, Prussia was by far the largest and it now has 42,000, 000 of the 67,000,000 population of the whole empire. The confederation which we now know as the German Empire tue ceeded a partial previoiWi confedera tion known as North German Hund (union). In that bund the King of I'russia was made President of the bund and also commander-in-chief of the united armies still retaining his complete powers as King of Prussia with the !xccption that Prussia sur rendered het sovereignty, as a king dom among the other kingdoms of the world to the bund. When the German Empire was formed by Bis roarck, the satne conditions were put in force, and thus the German Empire is a United States of German King doms in which the King of PrOnsia, whoever he may be, is the President with the tith of "German Kaiser," a style especially adopted rather than Empcror of Germany or Emperor of the Germans, so as not to offend the other kings. Thus, a German Is not a citizen bf the empire, is not a suhject of the emperor, but is a Subject or citizen of whatever. particular kingdorn or state that he may belong to. In fact, the Kaiser or emperor, is nothing niore than the President of tbe league of kingdoms. William is thus only a psychological emperor and not a real ore, and at German Kaiser has vatt ly trss actuat power thun th Preti deut of the United Statn. llwwcvcr, a Kin of rru$ta, ai k!g over 42,000,000 of Gertiianv'i 67,OüO,OWJ population, he rtiains his rcval power and prerogative, for th Kmgdoni of i'ruisia i still a power ful monarchy. so ttrong that the other kingdoms of the 'Empire" could tcarccly withdraw even if they winhed, no inore than could an American state withdraw from our union. Althoiigh the comparison can at best only be a rough onr, an idea of the organiation or the German Em pire may be had from supposing the rasiern part of the United States a kingdom, united to the various west ern states, each at kingdoms with kings and nobilitiet, in a union eifert ed by sending ambassadors to Wash ington, each representing hit tiate with absolute powers, and then giv ing to this body of ambassadors the authority at present given to the U S. Senate, the U. S. Suprcme Court, and the President, and placing an "emperor" over all with about the power of the V'ice-Pre sident over the Senate, tut keeping the lower honte of Congrcss (ipread all over the coun try. as a check against the house of ambassadors, the said "emperor" be ing, however, the king of the eastern part or kingdom. Irr practice, however, it would work out morc as though our governors of states had kings over thtm and went to Washington to govern in place of the Senate, the Supreme Court, and the President, checkcd only by the lower house of Congrcss and an "em peror" having no great power as Pres ident of the body but with royal power as king of his own two-thirds of the country, How the German Government Works The German government is thus compoed of the Bundesrat (literally, council of the union) corresponding to a body of governor-ambassadors in the upposition just cited, the Reichstag (literally, empire day, or meeting day) which corresponds to our lower house of Congrcss, and the President of the bund, or th German Kaiser. ' t f , The Bundesrat is the most impor tant, in fact, the decisive element of the government. It consists of 58 members, 17 being Prussian, 6 Ba varian, 4 Saxon, and 4 Württemberg ers, the rest being from other king doms and statc-cities in lesser nu Ti bers. The Bundesrat sits in a legislative srnse continuously and, with the Kai ser, has power to dissolve or termin ate the Reichstag, which is composed of 397 members, at any time during its term of five years, in which ease a new'Reichstag must be elected with in 60 days and convened within 90 days for a new term of five years. The Reichstag is elected over the Empire generally. The members are elected by districts but are not re tponsible to the instructions oftheir constituents but vote freely in the interests of the whole people. The members of the Bundesrat, however, are strictly responsible to their particular kingdoms and states and vote in aecordance with the views of their particular monarchies. It is as if Congrcss in the United States were elected without reference to state lines and the Senators were not two for each state but roughly in Proportion to the population of the states and always acting under in structions. When a law is to be passed it may originate either in the Bundesrat or in the lower house, and either may amend. When they agree, it be comes a law without the necessity of being approved by the Kaiser, and is not subject to any power of veto on his part, such as the Presi dent of the United States is entitled to exerc'ise. As a matter of routine he signs it, sees that it is technically in the prop er form, and has it published, but hc must do this in any event, so that he may be said, in this respect, to be nothing more than the rubber stamp of the German Empire. ' In other respect, he has more power. Like the President of the United States, he is commander-in-chief of the army and navy. He also appoints the Imperial Chanccllor. ilere comes in another of the re markatle features of the German gov ernment, for the Imperial Chancel lor, who is the presiding osticer of the Bundesrat of which the Kaiser is the President, represents German pol icv and has under him as subordinates all the heads of department who cor respond in other countriea to cab inet Ministers, He is a cabinet with its powers nified in one member, When the Imperial Chancellor re signs it indicates a break between the Kaiser and the Ugislature, that is, if he resigns from lack of a vote of confidence on the part of th, Bun desrat. To Americans the signifietnee of this docs not appear very great, as the members of the President's cab inet are not particularly important politically, being generally personal friends and advisers of the President. In England and France, however, wherc the legislative bodies are com posed of a number of political par ties and not of two large parties as with us, the King of England or the President of France appoints a group of wen as a cabinet, and must so make hin selections, that the group of men he elccts will have the confidence of the legislativ brauch. Such a cabinet i the real teat of govern ment. If at any time it proposes a measure which b defeated in the leg islature it must resign or the legis lative body must be dissolved by the king and a new election held to find out if the public Supports the cabinet or the legislature. In a country with a cabinet, the cab inet must always represent the Vill of the people. This it does, roughly speaking. The American cabinet rep resents nothing but the President's personal selection of head clerks or free-advice givers, and even tuen only thote of th party at th Moment in power. Th ioreg cabinet syttem thu rellcct mudi more tllcctuully the will of thu piuplu thau do, th American tyttcui, which can only re tlect the will of the people at intcr vals of two years and theil all itsuei must be luuiped in the platform of the two great parties so that on any but the iiio. t important itsuet, the will of the people i, never expretsed. What We Can Learn from tue Ger man Method The American form of government, although based on the most altruistic of principlcs, it an exireincly defec tive form in exxcution, and one through which the will of the people can be exprc&ncd only alter inucn du lay and never with the proper pre cision and etfect. The cabinet sybtern of England is much bitter, for the King is only a hgure-heud, a royal rubber tamp, and the cabinet must represent more acutely the will of the people since it is subject to dissolution at any time that an li.sue of sullicient importance warrants the action. In France res ignations of the cabinet are frequent and the will of the people is much more rapidly and cliectively expressed by this nieans than it is by the in flexible American syttem. In Germany, the Imperial Chancel lor must always, in his policies, rep resent the will of the Bundesrat and the Reichstag. If at any time he loses their confidence, the Kaiser must either find a new chancellor or dis solve the lcgislature and scek in a new election the will of the people. The great prestige of the Kingdom of Prussia upon the German Empire, however, must be taken into consid eration. The Kingdom of Prussia has a Landtag, composed of an upper and a lower house. The upper house (Herrenhaus) is composed of 327 members, princes, lords, burgomas ters, and various high dignitaries who hold oliice for life. The lower house of deputies (Abgeordnetchaus) num bers 443 members, is elected by pop ulär votes and compares to the Eng lish parliament; I'russia having prac ticaily the population of Grent Brit ain. There is also a Prussian cab inet appointed by the King of Prus sia who, as noted, is by virtue of his Position as King of Prussia, the Ger man Emperor. Here, however, William has great powers, since his cabinet is not re sponsible to either branch of the Landtag, but to hjm alone, so there is no popWar expression of the will of the people which can affect his poli cies directly. His indirect check is the lower house of deputies which must concord with the upper house in measures. It must always be re membered that the kingdoms, and particularly the kingdom of Prussia, retains vastly more power relative to the general government than do the American states, for almost all laws are executed by the royai govern ments, even though made by the Im perial Government. The- lower house of deputies, how ever, is not elected by populär vote in the ordinary sense, but in another way. The amount of taxes is divided into thrce parts. The payers of each portion have equal voting powers. Thus in 1912, in Berlin, practicaily 720 people determined the city's rep resentation. In all of Prussia, 260,000 wealthy tax payers have one-third the voting power, 870,000 have another third. and 6,500,000 poor voters have the other third. In Berlin, the first dass of voters averaged $7,500 in tax pay ments, the secopd dass $218, and the third dass $11. It is thus apoarent that in Prussia the government is one of property qualifkations rather than populär suffrage. In addition in Prussia the kin? ap points the Landrate or governors, who have charge of the local govern ment ot districts. It is as though the President of the United States appointed the governors of states as he does governors of territories. These officials,,who have great power, are responsible to the king alone and they govern locally with much lest considcration of local interests than of the interests of the kingdom as a, whole. There is no grast under them, no more than in the United States revenue Service. As the Bundesrat is composed of repräsentatives from the twenty-two kingdoms and states and three city state of the empire, it will be seen that they are repräsentatives of the states and not of the people directlv. The Bundesrat members are appoint ed by the individual kingdoms and states, as the President of the United States appoints ambassadors, but the üundesrat is the judge of the quali fications of its members, having the power enjoyed in that respect by the Senate of the United States. This power' is really the ultimate power. in a state and its exercise bv the Bundesrat and the authority which the .Bundesrat has to extend its own powers, gives to that body what Ger man jurists style the Kompetenz Kompetenz, th; is, the competency of deciding it ' own competency, which is a prerequisite of any repre sentative body if it is to maintain its power and independence. The German Empire, as will be seen, is in reality a republic, with the King ot i'russia as its hereditary Pres ident and eommander-in-chief ot the army and navy, The real force of its government is located in the Bun desrat, the President or German Kai ser having very limited powers. The members of the Bundesrat are men of great prestige and prominence in their respective fields. They in clude the greatest executives of large enterprises and trusts, the most noted lawyers and Professors, statesmen of the highest repute, financiers and bankers of the first rank, great land and realty owners, and prominent manufacturers and merchants, and the body is thus composed of the fore most minds of the empire. It is to this body that Gerinany entrusts her dettiny, and not, as is popularly up pu-.cd in Aiiiciiid, 'j iu k-.bii. Indrrd, to tlie Geniuil comilig t lim country, the enorm', ut pUic tu Ih public tiiind oecupied by the Kai irr it a great turprue. In Germany hw powert and prerogativrt art un derstood and he nundt in his true re lation to the other branchet of the (jovernment. In America, however, the Kaiser spiicart to be the domin ating tpirit or Germany. This mit apprehension of hit real potition it the source of niuch error in judging Germany', rclationj to this country. Bistuarek; tuo, looins niuch larger in Ainciiti llirfit he duet in Gerinany, while the Bundesrat, the true pt .ver of the tinpire, it only kuowu at a legislative term. i (To be continctid.) Wünsche und Hofsuuiigkll. Pros. i. uckrrt litrr rn Lib.nöinhatt dr, drutsche lsltc. Der bekannte Philosoph Professor Dr. Rudolf Luden au Zena stellte dieser Tage in einer Versammlung in der. .Urunia' in Berlin einige deutsche Wiinsche und Hoffnungen sur da neue Jhr auf. Neben einem entschiedenen Kieze und einem bau erhoffen Frieden bezogen sich ese Wunsche auf die Vcsinnungen und den Lebensinhalt des deutschen Vol kes. Bor allem, so wünschte er, möge die herrliche Einmütigkeit auf 'dem Grund der Äaterlandslltbe bleiben, auch wenn die Gegensätze und Par teien wiederkommen werden, die ja zum Leben und Blühen eine Kultur volles gehören. Möchte die blosze In-dividual-Ethik mehr und mehr ver tieft werden durch eine Soziakethik. Der Krieg hat da deutsche Volk als Heldentum gezeigt und das Grssz artige ist, daß das Heldentum all täglich geworden ist. Auch das muß bleiben. Wir müssen diesen großen Zug behalten und nicht wieder in die Kleinlichkeit zurückfallen, wovon ein mal ein wohlwollender Franzose sagte: Es fehlt den Deutschen das .Talent der Bagatelle", das Talent, das Kleine klein zu nehmen. Wir müssen hinaus in den Aether welt geschichtlichen Geschehens. Alles das wird sich aber erst recht erfüllen, wenn wir den Inhalt unseres Lebens hö her heben. Dieser Krieg ist ja nicht bloß ein Zusammenstoß beliebiger Bölker, sondern auch ein Kampf der Kulturen. Daß auch fremde Gelehrte und Künstler uns vielfach jetzt so ver urteilen, zeigt, daß wir sehr wenig verstanden werden, daß wir der Welt im allgemeinen noch ein Äkätsel find. Das macht, weil hier die ausländische Formenkultur, die bis in die Philo sophie und Religion hineingeht, der deutschen Jnnen!ultur gegenübersteht, der alle Arveit Entwicklung der See le ist. Daher ist der Deutsche nie fertig, daher ist er immer im Rin jjen und Suchen. Das erhält ihn jung, während die Formenkultur schnell greisenhaft macht. . Freilich auch hier drohen uns mancherlei Ge fahren. Eine Jnhaltskultur braucht z. B. der Form nicht feindlich zu sein, weil sie sie nur als Mittel be nutzt. Ja, wir könnten sogar den Inhalt steigern, wenn wir noch die Form hinzunehmen. Wir wollen j&ei den Seiten in unserem Gemüte das Gleichgewicht halten: .der Weltbear beitung und dcrJnnerlichkeit. Wir Deutschen müssen in Zukunft lernen, Charakter und genügende Weite zu verbinden und die deutsche Art fräs tiger in die Welt hineinzuwirken. Wir waren oft viel zu schüchtern. Die Welt hatte eine englische Formenkul tur angenommen, und wenn dann der Deutsche kam, zog er sich ost cheu zurück. Das darf nicht mehr ein. Wir wollen darum auf wissen chaftlichen Kongressen nicht mehr remde Sprachen sprechen und Selbst gefühl lernen. Wir müssen für unsere Kultur auch kämpfen können und draußen dafür auch Universitäten gründen. Wenn sich nach dem Frie den, und wenn er noch so günstig wäre, wie, wir hoffen, Ermattung einstellen will, so gilt es, auf der Hut Zu fein, dann gilt es, in zäher Arbeit das Errungene in einen Ve sitz für immer zu verwandeln. Da Bekenntnis aller Deutschen soll hei ßen: .Pflicht! In Indien kommen auf 10, 000 Einwohner 14 Blinde, in Deutschland nur 8. Tee ist zum. ersten Male im Jahre 1640 durch die Holländer in Europa auf den Markt gebracht wor den. Ein Floh springt das 200fache seiner Körperlänge. Der Hase läuft einen . steile Berg besser hinauf als hinunter. i Die Zahl der Arme bei M Seerosen ist immer durch 6 teilbar. Ein Fink kann auch nicht eineni Tag ohne Nahrung bleiben. Die heutige Weltproduktion an Rohöl beträgt etwa 40, Millionen Tonnen. Bei den Menangkabaus auf Sumatra haben trotz der dort Herr sehenden Vielweiberei dieFrauen völlig das Heft in der Hand. Die .verhci rateten Frauen bleiben im Haus ih; rer Mutter, die Männer dürfen sie nur mit Geschenken in der Hand U. suchen; Grund a und Boden gehört! den Frauen; diese sind allein erbbe rechtigt; die Kinder tragen den Na men der Mutter. fJ&äXKä VXXXf'J&J'-'-XJ . Grosse! . I Fascliinfls - Fest -bei , Oesterreich - Ungarn Männer-Verein Sonntag. 7. Februar 1915 -IN dtk Böhmischen Turnhalle, 13. und Dorcaa lr. Ansang 5 Uhr NachmitUit H '4 ft fidele Unterhaltung und gute Mustk ist gk,kgt. Zoffiamitr. V . :o:ccrro"or:ccc;:o:r. . Dt, DERBY Zahnarzt 207-8 Neville Block. 16. und Harney. Ueber Edholrn. IAItdilsoncookcornccr ! tMCN fUEL COMPANY I I Ufilll rVI 209 Süd 18. Str. I I liUtiLLll . - vuz, I I, ,, Lg,ch,u. arlftt j iliiitbi lutcit P,d,ji,IIuz dr. I William Sternberg Deutscher Advokat llPWft '(C-fMCuitl Galion. IVenl eiu: I maha. 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