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Stripe:
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Ta
ob das Fremont . 5
PILSENER u. HOFBRAU
- P
nicht daS beste Bier ist an '
' Neinheit, Güte n. Geschmack! ,
ES ist nach echt altdeutscher Methode gebraut
und deshalb ',
Klar, Perlend, Erfrischend!
Fragt immer danach. Haltet eine Kiste daheim 1
FREMONT BREWING COr I
FREMONT, NEB. I
. mim "Ttruif ii. r;i i f iiiiiiiiiiiiinin
Cri , Htls H:ne, 347
.T!ipT,lttll0Z
i hc Greatest Socrct of Gcrrnan Progress.
By FRANK KOESTER.
(In thi, trtlcle Mr. Kocttcr d!icloe th trongeit trait in th Ger man, a tralt pecullarlj- hli own and
which, tot th wint vl a bette mm, i, called "ffliciency") ,
Th treincniloui prorn wliich
nrrni.i.ty )u nnilc wiilitn Int'e niore
llun a Kr iicr.ti luti 'im been th niur
vrl th- wnrlil, arid tiul oulv the
liuivel tut für luuie varli U the
wurM, a niurtat ttrror.
Gcrttiany't ruwtli, her rtciüion,
her citictcncy, her tinisicd . jn liave
rnade her coinijctitorj ttanu I,.
Nulhing irrin ta Ic able tu
her, LverjthiiiK itut Geruiany (joi
i Joiic witli the iiiiiiiiiiuiu of i'tturt
and the tuaxifium o( rctult.
In ürrnuny it work. Whatevcr 1t
is, it workj, and it workj with irre
istible power.
In orlicr countrici it dor not work.
Or if it work, it work badly.
And when , conic tipon the real
teeret of whut it 11 thut work und
how it works, the ftindinrntal teeret
of Gerinany' prerest will he re
vraled. the fountain head will have
been reiithed.
Ihe thuiK that h,i'pcri is that in
Gerniany, largc'y by the accident of
political considcration, a form of rov
rrnment hai been atolved which, in
the midst o( the relic of by-Rone
form of povernment, is able to ac
complish i purposes, the purposes
of all RovernmeiUs, that of carrying
out the will of the people, in a morc
cffective manncr thau that of iy
ot her existinK form of Rovcrnment.
The Greatest Democracy in the World
lmaginc the power of the Rovern
tnen: of the Lnitcd States, for ex
aninle, or of any gnvermnvnt, if the
will of the peoplo could be instantly
nccrtuined and instanily put int es
fect by a inglc, rcsponsive and re
tponsible instrument. It would be
irresiKtible. It would be the ideal
of Rovernment, the apothcosii of
demucraey.
The Rovernment of Germany comes
nearer that ideal than docs the rov
err.mcnt of any other country, and to
the enornious effectiveness of its form
of government is duc in an over
whelming measure, its success.
Unless other countrics put int
practice the principlcs which are so
effective in. Germany, there is no
qnestion but that within few genera
tions Germany must outstrip all the
other countriet of the world com
bined. America, however, is already experi
mentin? with the tarne governmental
principle, locally applied and without
realizing that it is the same principle
that ha, made Germany what it is to
day. The principle hur, as yet no
name but it will undoubtedly in time
acquire a name. For the present pur
poses it may be termed a polyoeraey.
To understand its meaning, it will be
neeessary to describe the salicnt fea
tures of the very complex government
al System of Germany, which is but
irnperfectly understood even by many
Gernians, but which contains, due, as
stated, to the accident of political
exigencics, the working apparatus
which produces the wonderful results
and which works in spite of the corn
plexity rather than becausc of it.y
In order not to be dcflected by non
essentials, it will be neeessary to lay
aside for the mornent. eriticisms of
the German government syMem due
to what we term gerryrn:ndering,
which is not a vital principle but
rather a disease. To understand the
tree of government we must imagine
it stripped of the disease or fungu
of the gerrymander, for that has noth
ing to da with its life and proper
growth. Gcrrymandcring is no worse
in Germany than in the United States,
for here Khode Island has as many
votes in mir Senate as has New York,
while 3,600,000 farmers in New York
State overrule 5,500,000 citizens of
New York City through so laying
out the boundaries of the state's elec
tion districts as to vitiate the suf
frages of the city dwellers.
Germany Not a Monarchy
To begin with, the German Empire
is not a monarchy. These misnom
ers prove a powerful source of error
to Americans in dealing with German
institutions and government.
The German Empire is a confed
eration of what were once kingdoms,
duchies,' states, and free cilies. All
these overeign members upon entcr
ing into the confederation, surfend
cred their sovereignty to the "empire"
as regards foreign relations and such
functions as cöinagc, tariffs, and cer
tain otliers best administered by a
central government, but retained their
individual powers to a much greater
extent than did the states of the Am
erican union when it was formed.
The kingdoms which compose the
German Empire still have their kings.
their court, their houses of lords and
comrautis,' their local governments,
and practicaily all- the procedure and
powers over their own affairs which
they formerly exercised.
Of these kingdoms, Prussia was by
far the largest and it now has 42,000,
000 of the 67,000,000 population of the
whole empire.
The confederation which we now
know as the German Empire tue
ceeded a partial previoiWi confedera
tion known as North German Hund
(union). In that bund the King of
I'russia was made President of the
bund and also commander-in-chief of
the united armies still retaining his
complete powers as King of Prussia
with the !xccption that Prussia sur
rendered het sovereignty, as a king
dom among the other kingdoms of
the world to the bund. When the
German Empire was formed by Bis
roarck, the satne conditions were put
in force, and thus the German Empire
is a United States of German King
doms in which the King of PrOnsia,
whoever he may be, is the President
with the tith of "German Kaiser,"
a style especially adopted rather than
Empcror of Germany or Emperor of
the Germans, so as not to offend the
other kings.
Thus, a German Is not a citizen bf
the empire, is not a suhject of the
emperor, but is a Subject or citizen
of whatever. particular kingdorn or
state that he may belong to. In fact,
the Kaiser or emperor, is nothing
niore than the President of tbe league
of kingdoms. William is thus only a
psychological emperor and not a real
ore, and at German Kaiser has vatt
ly trss actuat power thun th Preti
deut of the United Statn.
llwwcvcr, a Kin of rru$ta, ai
k!g over 42,000,000 of Gertiianv'i
67,OüO,OWJ population, he rtiains his
rcval power and prerogative, for th
Kmgdoni of i'ruisia i still a power
ful monarchy. so ttrong that the other
kingdoms of the 'Empire" could
tcarccly withdraw even if they winhed,
no inore than could an American
state withdraw from our union.
Althoiigh the comparison can at
best only be a rough onr, an idea of
the organiation or the German Em
pire may be had from supposing the
rasiern part of the United States a
kingdom, united to the various west
ern states, each at kingdoms with
kings and nobilitiet, in a union eifert
ed by sending ambassadors to Wash
ington, each representing hit tiate
with absolute powers, and then giv
ing to this body of ambassadors the
authority at present given to the U
S. Senate, the U. S. Suprcme Court,
and the President, and placing an
"emperor" over all with about the
power of the V'ice-Pre sident over the
Senate, tut keeping the lower honte
of Congrcss (ipread all over the coun
try. as a check against the house of
ambassadors, the said "emperor" be
ing, however, the king of the eastern
part or kingdom.
Irr practice, however, it would work
out morc as though our governors of
states had kings over thtm and went
to Washington to govern in place of
the Senate, the Supreme Court, and
the President, checkcd only by the
lower house of Congrcss and an "em
peror" having no great power as Pres
ident of the body but with royal
power as king of his own two-thirds
of the country,
How the German Government Works
The German government is thus
compoed of the Bundesrat (literally,
council of the union) corresponding
to a body of governor-ambassadors
in the upposition just cited, the
Reichstag (literally, empire day, or
meeting day) which corresponds to
our lower house of Congrcss, and the
President of the bund, or th German
Kaiser. ' t f
, The Bundesrat is the most impor
tant, in fact, the decisive element of
the government. It consists of 58
members, 17 being Prussian, 6 Ba
varian, 4 Saxon, and 4 Württemberg
ers, the rest being from other king
doms and statc-cities in lesser nu Ti
bers. The Bundesrat sits in a legislative
srnse continuously and, with the Kai
ser, has power to dissolve or termin
ate the Reichstag, which is composed
of 397 members, at any time during
its term of five years, in which ease
a new'Reichstag must be elected with
in 60 days and convened within 90
days for a new term of five years.
The Reichstag is elected over the
Empire generally. The members are
elected by districts but are not re
tponsible to the instructions oftheir
constituents but vote freely in the
interests of the whole people.
The members of the Bundesrat,
however, are strictly responsible to
their particular kingdoms and states
and vote in aecordance with the views
of their particular monarchies. It is
as if Congrcss in the United States
were elected without reference to
state lines and the Senators were not
two for each state but roughly in
Proportion to the population of the
states and always acting under in
structions. When a law is to be passed it may
originate either in the Bundesrat or
in the lower house, and either may
amend. When they agree, it be
comes a law without the necessity of
being approved by the Kaiser, and is
not subject to any power of
veto on his part, such as the Presi
dent of the United States is entitled
to exerc'ise.
As a matter of routine he signs it,
sees that it is technically in the prop
er form, and has it published, but hc
must do this in any event, so that he
may be said, in this respect, to be
nothing more than the rubber stamp
of the German Empire. '
In other respect, he has more
power. Like the President of the
United States, he is commander-in-chief
of the army and navy. He also
appoints the Imperial Chanccllor.
ilere comes in another of the re
markatle features of the German gov
ernment, for the Imperial Chancel
lor, who is the presiding osticer of
the Bundesrat of which the Kaiser is
the President, represents German pol
icv and has under him as subordinates
all the heads of department who cor
respond in other countriea to cab
inet Ministers, He is a cabinet with
its powers nified in one member,
When the Imperial Chancellor re
signs it indicates a break between the
Kaiser and the Ugislature, that is,
if he resigns from lack of a vote of
confidence on the part of th, Bun
desrat. To Americans the signifietnee of
this docs not appear very great, as
the members of the President's cab
inet are not particularly important
politically, being generally personal
friends and advisers of the President.
In England and France, however,
wherc the legislative bodies are com
posed of a number of political par
ties and not of two large parties as
with us, the King of England or the
President of France appoints a group
of wen as a cabinet, and must so make
hin selections, that the group of men
he elccts will have the confidence
of the legislativ brauch. Such a
cabinet i the real teat of govern
ment. If at any time it proposes a
measure which b defeated in the leg
islature it must resign or the legis
lative body must be dissolved by the
king and a new election held to find
out if the public Supports the cabinet
or the legislature.
In a country with a cabinet, the cab
inet must always represent the Vill
of the people. This it does, roughly
speaking. The American cabinet rep
resents nothing but the President's
personal selection of head clerks or
free-advice givers, and even tuen only
thote of th party at th Moment in
power. Th ioreg cabinet syttem
thu rellcct mudi more tllcctuully
the will of thu piuplu thau do, th
American tyttcui, which can only re
tlect the will of the people at intcr
vals of two years and theil all itsuei
must be luuiped in the platform of
the two great parties so that on any
but the iiio. t important itsuet, the
will of the people i, never expretsed.
What We Can Learn from tue Ger
man Method
The American form of government,
although based on the most altruistic
of principlcs, it an exireincly defec
tive form in exxcution, and one
through which the will of the people
can be exprc&ncd only alter inucn du
lay and never with the proper pre
cision and etfect.
The cabinet sybtern of England is
much bitter, for the King is only a
hgure-heud, a royal rubber tamp,
and the cabinet must represent more
acutely the will of the people since
it is subject to dissolution at any time
that an li.sue of sullicient importance
warrants the action. In France res
ignations of the cabinet are frequent
and the will of the people is much
more rapidly and cliectively expressed
by this nieans than it is by the in
flexible American syttem.
In Germany, the Imperial Chancel
lor must always, in his policies, rep
resent the will of the Bundesrat and
the Reichstag. If at any time he loses
their confidence, the Kaiser must
either find a new chancellor or dis
solve the lcgislature and scek in a
new election the will of the people.
The great prestige of the Kingdom
of Prussia upon the German Empire,
however, must be taken into consid
eration. The Kingdom of Prussia
has a Landtag, composed of an upper
and a lower house. The upper house
(Herrenhaus) is composed of 327
members, princes, lords, burgomas
ters, and various high dignitaries who
hold oliice for life. The lower house
of deputies (Abgeordnetchaus) num
bers 443 members, is elected by pop
ulär votes and compares to the Eng
lish parliament; I'russia having prac
ticaily the population of Grent Brit
ain. There is also a Prussian cab
inet appointed by the King of Prus
sia who, as noted, is by virtue of his
Position as King of Prussia, the Ger
man Emperor.
Here, however, William has great
powers, since his cabinet is not re
sponsible to either branch of the
Landtag, but to hjm alone, so there is
no popWar expression of the will of
the people which can affect his poli
cies directly. His indirect check is
the lower house of deputies which
must concord with the upper house
in measures. It must always be re
membered that the kingdoms, and
particularly the kingdom of Prussia,
retains vastly more power relative to
the general government than do the
American states, for almost all laws
are executed by the royai govern
ments, even though made by the Im
perial Government.
The- lower house of deputies, how
ever, is not elected by populär vote
in the ordinary sense, but in another
way. The amount of taxes is divided
into thrce parts. The payers of each
portion have equal voting powers.
Thus in 1912, in Berlin, practicaily
720 people determined the city's rep
resentation. In all of Prussia, 260,000 wealthy
tax payers have one-third the voting
power, 870,000 have another third.
and 6,500,000 poor voters have the
other third. In Berlin, the first dass
of voters averaged $7,500 in tax pay
ments, the secopd dass $218, and the
third dass $11.
It is thus apoarent that in Prussia
the government is one of property
qualifkations rather than populär
suffrage.
In addition in Prussia the kin? ap
points the Landrate or governors,
who have charge of the local govern
ment ot districts. It is as though
the President of the United States
appointed the governors of states as
he does governors of territories.
These officials,,who have great power,
are responsible to the king alone and
they govern locally with much lest
considcration of local interests than
of the interests of the kingdom as a,
whole. There is no grast under them,
no more than in the United States
revenue Service.
As the Bundesrat is composed of
repräsentatives from the twenty-two
kingdoms and states and three city
state of the empire, it will be seen
that they are repräsentatives of the
states and not of the people directlv.
The Bundesrat members are appoint
ed by the individual kingdoms and
states, as the President of the United
States appoints ambassadors, but the
üundesrat is the judge of the quali
fications of its members, having the
power enjoyed in that respect by the
Senate of the United States.
This power' is really the ultimate
power. in a state and its exercise bv
the Bundesrat and the authority which
the .Bundesrat has to extend its own
powers, gives to that body what Ger
man jurists style the Kompetenz
Kompetenz, th; is, the competency
of deciding it ' own competency,
which is a prerequisite of any repre
sentative body if it is to maintain its
power and independence.
The German Empire, as will be
seen, is in reality a republic, with the
King ot i'russia as its hereditary Pres
ident and eommander-in-chief ot the
army and navy, The real force of
its government is located in the Bun
desrat, the President or German Kai
ser having very limited powers.
The members of the Bundesrat are
men of great prestige and prominence
in their respective fields. They in
clude the greatest executives of large
enterprises and trusts, the most noted
lawyers and Professors, statesmen of
the highest repute, financiers and
bankers of the first rank, great land
and realty owners, and prominent
manufacturers and merchants, and the
body is thus composed of the fore
most minds of the empire. It is to
this body that Gerinany entrusts her
dettiny, and not, as is popularly up
pu-.cd in Aiiiciiid, 'j iu k-.bii.
Indrrd, to tlie Geniuil comilig t
lim country, the enorm', ut pUic tu
Ih public tiiind oecupied by the Kai
irr it a great turprue. In Germany
hw powert and prerogativrt art un
derstood and he nundt in his true re
lation to the other branchet of the
(jovernment. In America, however,
the Kaiser spiicart to be the domin
ating tpirit or Germany. This mit
apprehension of hit real potition it
the source of niuch error in judging
Germany', rclationj to this country.
Bistuarek; tuo, looins niuch larger in
Ainciiti llirfit he duet in Gerinany,
while the Bundesrat, the true pt .ver
of the tinpire, it only kuowu at a
legislative term.
i (To be continctid.)
Wünsche und Hofsuuiigkll.
Pros. i. uckrrt litrr rn Lib.nöinhatt
dr, drutsche lsltc.
Der bekannte Philosoph Professor
Dr. Rudolf Luden au Zena stellte
dieser Tage in einer Versammlung
in der. .Urunia' in Berlin einige
deutsche Wiinsche und Hoffnungen
sur da neue Jhr auf. Neben einem
entschiedenen Kieze und einem bau
erhoffen Frieden bezogen sich ese
Wunsche auf die Vcsinnungen und
den Lebensinhalt des deutschen Vol
kes.
Bor allem, so wünschte er, möge
die herrliche Einmütigkeit auf 'dem
Grund der Äaterlandslltbe bleiben,
auch wenn die Gegensätze und Par
teien wiederkommen werden, die ja
zum Leben und Blühen eine Kultur
volles gehören. Möchte die blosze In-dividual-Ethik
mehr und mehr ver
tieft werden durch eine Soziakethik.
Der Krieg hat da deutsche Volk als
Heldentum gezeigt und das Grssz
artige ist, daß das Heldentum all
täglich geworden ist. Auch das muß
bleiben. Wir müssen diesen großen
Zug behalten und nicht wieder in die
Kleinlichkeit zurückfallen, wovon ein
mal ein wohlwollender Franzose
sagte: Es fehlt den Deutschen das
.Talent der Bagatelle", das Talent,
das Kleine klein zu nehmen. Wir
müssen hinaus in den Aether welt
geschichtlichen Geschehens. Alles das
wird sich aber erst recht erfüllen, wenn
wir den Inhalt unseres Lebens hö
her heben. Dieser Krieg ist ja nicht
bloß ein Zusammenstoß beliebiger
Bölker, sondern auch ein Kampf der
Kulturen. Daß auch fremde Gelehrte
und Künstler uns vielfach jetzt so ver
urteilen, zeigt, daß wir sehr wenig
verstanden werden, daß wir der Welt
im allgemeinen noch ein Äkätsel find.
Das macht, weil hier die ausländische
Formenkultur, die bis in die Philo
sophie und Religion hineingeht, der
deutschen Jnnen!ultur gegenübersteht,
der alle Arveit Entwicklung der See
le ist. Daher ist der Deutsche nie
fertig, daher ist er immer im Rin
jjen und Suchen. Das erhält ihn
jung, während die Formenkultur
schnell greisenhaft macht. . Freilich
auch hier drohen uns mancherlei Ge
fahren. Eine Jnhaltskultur braucht
z. B. der Form nicht feindlich zu
sein, weil sie sie nur als Mittel be
nutzt. Ja, wir könnten sogar den
Inhalt steigern, wenn wir noch die
Form hinzunehmen. Wir wollen j&ei
den Seiten in unserem Gemüte das
Gleichgewicht halten: .der Weltbear
beitung und dcrJnnerlichkeit. Wir
Deutschen müssen in Zukunft lernen,
Charakter und genügende Weite zu
verbinden und die deutsche Art fräs
tiger in die Welt hineinzuwirken.
Wir waren oft viel zu schüchtern. Die
Welt hatte eine englische Formenkul
tur angenommen, und wenn dann
der Deutsche kam, zog er sich ost
cheu zurück. Das darf nicht mehr
ein. Wir wollen darum auf wissen
chaftlichen Kongressen nicht mehr
remde Sprachen sprechen und Selbst
gefühl lernen. Wir müssen für unsere
Kultur auch kämpfen können und
draußen dafür auch Universitäten
gründen. Wenn sich nach dem Frie
den, und wenn er noch so günstig
wäre, wie, wir hoffen, Ermattung
einstellen will, so gilt es, auf der
Hut Zu fein, dann gilt es, in zäher
Arbeit das Errungene in einen Ve
sitz für immer zu verwandeln. Da
Bekenntnis aller Deutschen soll hei
ßen: .Pflicht!
In Indien kommen auf 10,
000 Einwohner 14 Blinde, in
Deutschland nur 8.
Tee ist zum. ersten Male im
Jahre 1640 durch die Holländer in
Europa auf den Markt gebracht wor
den.
Ein Floh springt das 200fache
seiner Körperlänge.
Der Hase läuft einen . steile
Berg besser hinauf als hinunter. i
Die Zahl der Arme bei M
Seerosen ist immer durch 6 teilbar.
Ein Fink kann auch nicht eineni
Tag ohne Nahrung bleiben.
Die heutige Weltproduktion
an Rohöl beträgt etwa 40, Millionen
Tonnen.
Bei den Menangkabaus auf
Sumatra haben trotz der dort Herr
sehenden Vielweiberei dieFrauen völlig
das Heft in der Hand. Die .verhci
rateten Frauen bleiben im Haus ih;
rer Mutter, die Männer dürfen sie
nur mit Geschenken in der Hand U.
suchen; Grund a und Boden gehört!
den Frauen; diese sind allein erbbe
rechtigt; die Kinder tragen den Na
men der Mutter.
fJ&äXKä VXXXf'J&J'-'-XJ
. Grosse! .
I Fascliinfls - Fest
-bei ,
Oesterreich - Ungarn
Männer-Verein
Sonntag. 7. Februar 1915
-IN dtk
Böhmischen Turnhalle,
13. und Dorcaa lr.
Ansang 5 Uhr NachmitUit H
'4
ft
fidele Unterhaltung und gute
Mustk ist gk,kgt. Zoffiamitr. V
.
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.
Dt, DERBY
Zahnarzt
207-8 Neville Block. 16. und
Harney. Ueber Edholrn.
IAItdilsoncookcornccr !
tMCN fUEL COMPANY I
I Ufilll rVI 209 Süd 18. Str. I
I liUtiLLll . - vuz, I
I, ,, Lg,ch,u. arlftt j
iliiitbi lutcit P,d,ji,IIuz dr. I
William Sternberg
Deutscher Advokat
llPWft '(C-fMCuitl
Galion. IVenl eiu:
I maha. "IfSralf
tel. iouj. vl
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Millard, Ne&raska
FRED MARODE,
Besitzer
Elorz 39ier an Zapf. Moderne! Ä
, Dinner-Gesellschaften und haben vor'
!! zilgliöbkir Lunch stets an Hand. p
; Wir führen unseren Platz in erst !!
H klassigerWeise und bemeibe un!nur
um anständige Gesellschaften. 5
$ Ein großer kühler Speisesaal für
P Auto-Gesellschaften ist soeben fertig
i und dem Gebrauch übergeben worden. '
$ Machen Sie eine Probe und telepho
$ niren Sie uu Ihre Bestellung. I
8
V
i
M Telephon Millard 551
:;oro:o:;;::'
Beste Winterhüte
in modernen Farben und FasonS. Preis
$2 aufmärtz. Zu baten bei
SCHMÄUSE HAT FACTORY
16. und California Str.
! Schreib Maschinen j
zu bermiethen
Jede gemünschte Fabrikat j
$1 neb mehr per Monat
CENTRAL
TYPEWRITER EXCHANGE I
Inc. j
307309S.17-Str. 04121
j Willkommen, Deutsche!
bei-
Carl J.
Deutsche Wirtschaft !
207 s. 13. St., Phone Douglas 7315
Smpottirt Ääfe trotz der Preis
steigerung ist bei mir nicht theurer ge
morden. Marinirte HSringe und
Hasenpfeffer eine Spezialität.
Da voringliche ,.Old Tonern"
Bier an Zapf und in Flaschen.
Jmportirte und einheimische Weine
und nore omie igarren. i
MerchantS Lunch" zu müßigen I
Preisen den ganien Tag. !
'S immer schön Wetter hüt'" bim
plattdütschen Eorl.
i;w.-3nffr . vitmmmiw-- -
VMTN'S '4
H-.lr,..."!..
i
ÄÄt' y - 1 T f 1 V
iijak;.i?;f"j
KUtotoitriiten 4?oupiqijartier s;a g
nienWartezirrrmn, freie Auloremisr. j
.! Wir machen eine Spezialität für
.
MLJfi)A
ffi'Js&r
Jmß! i
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