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About The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902 | View Entire Issue (April 2, 1896)
7 The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated. VOL. VII. LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, APRIL 2, 1896. NO. 43. V 1 if r r 1. w TIE PLOT DNFOLDS. Rothchilds Decides that the Demo crats Shall Resolve for Free Silver. THE GOLDITES ALL AGREE TO IT They Hope to Divide the Silver Forces and Fat in the Republicans. They Thiuk That They Can Fool the Peo ple once Again. The People's Party News Bcreau. Bliss Building, 35 B. N. W. Washington, March 25. It is true that the silver faction may nominally con trol the Chicago convention. The news for days past all point to that con clusion. The administration is so ad vised and it is practically settled among the leaders that there will be no split in the convention on that account. New Tork, David B. Hill Bays, will submit. Campbell and Bricedmit that Ohio will send a silver delegation to Chicago, and they also admit that a free silver man may be nominated. The news from In diana, Illinois, and Michigan is of the same drift. Missouri, Vest says, will send a solid silver delegation to the con vention "and if Cleveland is nominated we will stand by the nomination." "Speaking for myself," said the waspish Missourian, "I will vote for the devil if the uational democrat convention nomi nates hfm." When asked how many ilver democrats in Missouri would fol" low him, he replied, "that, I don't know, but I imagine the bulk of the party will remain loyal to the organization." To the same question Senator Cockerill re- plied: "Our people are awfully stirred up on the silver question and I can't be gin to say what they will do on election day if agold man is nominated at Chacigo ) But I don't look for that. We have got the upper hand now and I feel pretty sure that we shall control the conven tion. It seems quite certain now that McKinley will be the . republican can didate and that will help us." AT DEMOCRATIC HEADQUARTERS one hears the same sort of talk. It is -credited to Campbell, of Ohio, who, it is asserted, will accept the Chicago nomi ' nation on a 16 to 1 platform. He was here last week in close conference with Lamont, Hill, Gorman, Gray, Vest and all the southern leaders, and since that time the free-silve.r-no-bolt scheme has developed. An inner circle democrat said today that Campbell's nomination has been arranged as far as the demo cratic leaders can arrange it. Campbell made the assertion privately whil9 here that Ohio is a free silver state and will vote for the silver candidate without re gard to the parly he represents. "Pro tection and bimetallism," said he, is more hateful to the people than gold monometallism." WHAT IT MEANS. "All this democratic talk about nom inating a silver candidate at Chicago." said Chairman Mott, of the National Silver committee, "is just what I pre dicted months ago. The gold faction of the party is at the bottom of it; and the ' object of the agitation now is to divide the silver people and prevent independent x action. Silver democrats who never in tended to bolt the Chicago nomination agree to this policy because they have all to gain by it and nothing to lose. 1,'liey expect to nave a few congressmen jfi districts where it would not be safe to resort to dishonest election methods. It vr'Al make no difference who the candid al ate may be or what the platform may ' be the election of the democratic presi dent this year is hardly a possibility. Nobody expects it and nobody will be fooled by anything the Chicago conven tion may do. The fact that the two factions can unite on the same ticket will stamp the whole scheme as the work of the dominant gold faction. The one thing the people have determined on this year is a square fight on the money question." Senator Tillman takes sub stantially the same position. Recently he has has been quoted as haveing mod ified his views, but the report is incorrect. "A free silver declaration at Chicago," he said today, "would only add cowar- dice to trickery." V f THE SOUTHERN CONTINGENT. la ripe for the Campbell movement. "It . J means a good deal to the south," said a r leading southern democrat, "in the elec tion of congressmen. A silver condidate for president will solidify the south and save the democratic party from complete - disintegration. It is a mistake to sup pose," he continued, "that the south can be kept solid by dishonest election me thods. The rule may hold good in cer tain states, but not in all." Attention was called to the Boatner case, decided In the House laHt week. Even Boatner was staggered by the evidence and beg ged the House to accept a plea of guilty and save him the humiliation of a public trial. Every conceivable form of fraud, , lying, cheating, and intimidation was resorted to in the election, as established y democratic confession. EXCEPTION. NOT THE RULE. "Yes," he replied, "the Louisiana case is the exception not the rule. I voted against unseating Boatner as a party matter.- What happened in Boatner s district has happened in other districts in other southern states, but the practice of false counting will not be followed so generally hereafter. The silver question has divided our people and they will not submit longer to padded registration lists and other irregular methods. We are compelled to take notice of the re volting element in our party ana we must carry the election this year by hon est methods or there will be trouhl. Our only hope is in the nomination of t silver candidate at Chicago." Not much stock, however, is taken in what south ern democrats say about fair election methods. In every southern state where democratic supremacy is maintained in the next election the negro and illiterate white voter will be disfranchised by con stitutional inhibition. The Mississippi and South Carolina suffrage plan will be adopted, and that will practically end all opposition to Bourbon ascendancy. It will be a desperate contest, and, with the election machinery in the hands of unscrupulous party managers, all the chances are against an honest election. His face burning with shame, Boatner, on leaving the house, said, "I will come back next month with a bigger majority than I had before." WHAT IS A DOLLAR? JUDGE MILLER GIVES THE LEGAL AND SCIENTIFIC DEFINITION- One Legal Dollar Must Have the Same Value of any other Legal Dollar. It is claimed by the advocates of the gold standard that our coinage system should be so adjusted as to give at all times the equal power of every dollar coined or issued by the United States in the market and in the payment of debts that is, that one dollar should be as good for monetary purposes as every dollar. What is a dollar? The twentieth section of the act of 1792, which organ ized our monetary system preserved in section 3563 of the revised statutes, pro vides: "The money of account of the United States shall be expressed in units or do!5 lars, dimes or tenths, cents or hundredths and mills or thousands; the dime being a tenth part of a dollar, the cent boing the hundredth part of a dollar, and the mill being the thousandth part Of a dollar; and all accounts in the public offices and all proceedings in the courts of the Uni ted States shall be kept in conformity to this regulation." ' , . The dollar, then, is simply the unit of account. Hamilton said in his mint re port that it was mere property designa ted by the word unit, but was called the "dollar" for the reason that the Spanish milled dollar had long been used in the colonies as their monetary unit. What is demanded, then, is that each monetary unit shall be as valuable as every other monetary unit. . In the legal tender cases 12th Wallace Reports p 553, the supreme court says: "The coinage acts fix its unit as a dol lar, but the gold or silver thing we call a dollar is in no sense a standard of a dol lar. It is a representative of it. There might never have been a piece of money of the denomination of a dollar. There never was a pound sterling coined un til 1815, if we except a few pieces struck in the reign of Henry VIII almost immed iately debased, yet it has been the unit for many generations." Under existing law, the dollar is era bodied in, or representendby412 grains of standard silver, or 25-8 grains of standard gold. These two pieces are equivalent representatives of our money unit, and being equal to the same thing they are equal to each other. In the bimetallic system, when a pre scribed quantity of each metal is made the legal equivalent or representative of the monetary unit, they must, by per forming the office or function of money, have the same value, for this equality of value is a necessary incident of the monetary functions which the dollar per forms. ' It is impossible to suppose that two substances, equally endowed with the money function should not have a cor responding value for monetary use, or that one legal unit should not be as valuable for monetary purposes as any other legal unit. Each is a legal tender for exactly one dollar, no more, no less, and is of course exchangeable at the same rate for commodities and other forms of property. This must be so without any regard to the commodity value of the metals in which the unit is embodied. Both of the political parties in 1892 declared for "the use of both gold and silver as standard money of the country without discriminating against either metafor charge for mintage." This was the distinct declaration in favor of the passage through the mint into the currency of the two metals, gold or silver, upon equal terms, and the equal use of the coins struck from these metals as money of ultimate payment, for in no other way can ''gold and silver be used as the standard money of the country." . In the Democratic platform it is added: "But the dollar unit of coinage of both metals must be of equal intrinsic ex changeable .value or be so adjusted through international agreement or the safeguards of legislation as shall insure the parity of the two metals in the mar kets and in the payment of debts." Stripped of its barren verbiage, it means that the "dollar" in the silver coin shall be the equal in every respect for monetary use of the dollar in the gold coin. This does not, to any extent, modify the distinct declaration in favor of bi metallism for the equality or sameness of the value of the silver or gold dollar resides in, and Is inseperablo from the money function with which they are re spectively endowed and is in no manner dependent upon the character of the materials selected to perform this func tion. Henry G. Miller. Chicago, Feb. 28, 1895. OLD PARTY STATESMEN A Specimen of Profound Discussion by Men Who Ridicule Populists. SOME PLUTOCRAT ELOQUENCE. Reed can Always see one of These Mountebanks but Never a Man Who Would Help the People. Thirty-two Dollars a day for PlaylngClown During the debate in congress on the censure of Mr. Bayard, Mr. Gibson of Tennessee made a rather grandiloquent address on the glories of our country, and the wickedness of Mr. Bayard in criticizing his countrymen. Mr. Sulzer of New York in retaliation accused Mr. Gibson of having sent out a circular to his constituents over his own frank. The circular it seems bad a "beautiful photograph" of Gibson with the American flag on either side and above them the words "Rally boys; rally once again!" Mr. Sulzer remarked that the words meant, "Send Gibson back to congress and the country will be safe." Thinking that the people of Nebraska would like to read a specimen of the pro found debate carried on between two of the representatives of this glorious (?) congress, we give the following. We will only add that the debate on Bayard occupied three days and these two men are supposed to be average old party congressmen: Mr. Gibson. This is from a Washington letter to the New York World: Mr. Sulzer, our own Mr. Sulzer, was much watched and noticed. As all the world knows, he has been speaker of our assembly and has shown all kinds of talent. He is the man who spoke of Crokeras "that silent, farseeing states man." If Mr. Sulzer has principle or gets any he ought to become something of a man. It is a fact beyond question that he has the best face, in some respects, among all the congressmen in the house. It is a strong face, an old fashioned face. It looks something like the face of Henry Clay. It is a very self-conscious one at present. Mr. Sulzer must let us with kindness warn bim against thedanger of too great self-concentration. He thinks even about his coat. He undid all but the lowest button of it as he walked out on the floor to be sworn, and tried to walk like a tired statesman. But he really wants to be great. WheD Reed already great in na tional matters began to speak, Sulzer leaned forward in his chair and listened to him with flushed face and very bright eyes, gripping the arm of his chair tight ly at the same time. It is said that Sul zer looks upon Keed as his prey in this congress, and means to show him that a speaker has come on from New York to teach him soraenewtbings. Sulzer should take smaller game for a while, but per haps he will grow np to Reed. Great laughter. Now, Mr. Speaker, he has shown my picture to this house; I show his picture to this house. "Look on this picture, and then on that." Laughter. Another word. He says that when I go to Tennessee, in answer to their ques tion, "What have you done?" I will say to them, "I have abused Bayard." Now, when he goes back to New York and the people of New York say, "Mr. Seidlitz Powder, what did you do while in the congress of the United States?" he will say, "I abused Gibson." Laughter. Mr. Sulzer. Mr. Speaker, I rise to a question of personal privilege. The Speaker. The gentleman from New York. Mr. Sulzer. Mr. Speaker, what the gentleman from Tennessee has read about me in a clipping from the New York World is what another man wrote about me. I did not write that, and if there are men on the newspaper press who some times abuse me and maliciously malign me and say unkind things about me and make unkind comparisons with other great men about me laughter that is not my fault. I can not help that. That is somo other person's fault. But the gentleman from Ten nessee Mr. Gibson wrote every thing in this circular himself, and about himself, and in praise of himself, and against the democrats, and then signed his own name to it, put his own picture on it, put on the American flag, told what a great man he was, told how many good bills he had introduced, how many good resolutions he had offered, told how many departments he had visited, how many speeches he had made, how well they were received in the house, how they wereapplauded.how he always got the speaker's eye, how he never had any trouble, how he was a friend of the old soldier, the soldier's wife, the soldier's children; and he wound up by telling his constituents, "Do not fail to attend your county convention, and be sure to take your neighbors with you. Do not forget the day and hour the words 'day and hour' in italics laughter set for your convention. I am putting my trust in you and your neighbors. If you get more than one of these letters give it to your neighbor." I did not write what he read about me from the New York World, but he can not get upon the floor of this bouse and deny that he wrote all in this circular about himself. Mr. Gibson. What of it? It is a'l right. Mr. Sulzer. Is it? I am glad you like it. I find no fault with it it you do not. I do, however, find some fault with the World correspondent who wrote the article you read about me. He hit me on several weak points laughter, and as he had known me for years, kuew all about me, knew my record, I thought it unkind of him to come down here on the first day of the session and write roe up and tell all about me, and give me away, as it were. Laughter. I thought that was just a little unkind; but if you like what you wrote abontyourself I find no fault with it, my dear Brother Gibson, and if I have - Mr. Gibson. I wish you would have it printed in the Record. Laughter. . Mr. Sulzer. I will do it for you. There is nothing mean about me. Mr. Speaker, I send this circular to the clerk and ask permission to print it in the Record as a part of my remarks. I offer it as a part of my remarks, because if the gentleman is not going to frank it, I want to give him a chance to frank it with as much moral ity of feeling and with as much compunc tion oi conscience for himself as be thinks I possess. I never claim any more mo rality or any more virtue or any more honesty for myself than I am willing at all times to concede to the rest of the good people of the world. ; Mr. Speaker, if I have said anything unkind, or if the gentleman has taken any offense at what I have said, I am very sorry. ? I did not intend any offense, and I hope I have given none; but I will say this, that I saw that this debate in regard to Mr. Bayard was degenerating into a farce, a roaring farce. I thought I would play my little part in it. If I have done it successfully without offending the dis tinguished gentleman who presides here or any of the members I am entirely con tent and satisfied. When I was a boy, and ever since, when there was a circus in town, it has been my unvarying and determined effort to and desire to go if I could. 1 always tried togetto thecircus if 1 could, but always as a spectator. I am glad that I got to this great circus in the house of representatives in regard to Mr. Bayard. I am glad that I have been able to play a part in it, not the part of the clown, I hope, but the part, if I may say it, of the ringmaster, and that I have had an opportunity to snap the political whip at some egotistical and foolish republicans who think they are a great deal wiser, more knowing, and a great deal holier than this poor man Bayard whom they have attacked, not wisely, but too well. Applause. Reader, are you proud of your repre sentatives? Areyou proud of the speaker who will "recognize" such speakers, while the man who really has something to say (,ad something to do for the relief of the toners, tne larmers, ana wontinginen, is refused permission to speak. And it is the toilers of the country who pay the salaries of these members, who occupy the time for which they are paid in the manner recorded above, while the inter ests of their employers are forgotten or pushed into the background. They are "only having their fun" at your expense, and the expense is pretty heavy for that Quality of fun. Every congressman re ceives about $32 a day for the time he spends in Washington for they are only there about half of their time. U.D. inde pendent. LET U8 ALL .UNITE. A Long Pull, A Strong Pull and Pull Altogether. Strang, Neb., March 20, 1896. Editor Independent: I see from some of the republican papers that the populists are about all dead. I was in the east for two months this winter dur ing January and February in the states of Illinois and Indiana and was over considerable territory, and bad conver sations with a good many people of all political parties. If some of our old line politicians would go bade there, ana hear the people talk.they would not think the populists were all dead. Almost all of them are disgusted with both old parties, are sick and tired of them, and seem to think if the populist and free silver parties would combine and nomi nate a good man at our national con vention to be held at St. Louis in July, that we surely would elect him. Our Senator Allen is a favorite candidate with them. His work in the senate is most satisfactory to all. They also have an eye on our governor, Silas A. Holcomb, and think he is just the man for governor of Nebraska. If we could get such men into our su preme court we would not fear but what there would be better times in the near future. If congress does anything to relieve the people, our courts undo it. Now the east is waking up and will be with us this fall, and we will be sure of success, if we will only see that " each township sends the right kind of men to the county conventions and good men are sent to the state conventions; men that will work for our interest. If this is done we will have no trouble in getting the right kind of delegates to our national convention. We must ail work together if we expect to accomplish our ends. We have the whole money power to fight and as long as they can hold our government by using their money they will do so. If we could get our Nebraska Idepen dent, circulated more, it would be a grand thiug. It would do more good than any thing we could do. One of the things we need most is the Press. 1 , B. F. Timmeans. Irrigating Nebraska. Few poople realize the magnitude of the irrigation enterprises in the Middle Loup valley. The total length of the Lillian, Middle Loup and Wescott ditches in about 120 miles, which, when com pleted, will irrigate nearly 75.000 acres of good farmland. The expense of the enterprises will be from $150,000 to $175,000. Surely these figures ought to be the best of testimony to the home seeker of the indomitable will, match less energy and uuconquerable spirit of the people among whom he is invited to cost his lot. DEAD AS AMACKERAL The Principles of Abraham Lincoln in the Republican party. JASPER DICK IS DISGUSTED. He Don't Like Corporation Attorney Bosses who Stand up for Ohio. Nebraska Humiliated to Fill the cap or John V. Pt Thurston's Ambitious. Whip-Poor-Will Precinct, Feb 20,'90 Editor Independent: I confess I must be losing all my faith in the old party. 1 am indeed almost persuaded to join you 'pops,"for Abraham Lincoln repblicanism sdead as a mackeral, at least here in Ne braska. The good old days are gone when the voters controlled the party. Now it's the bosses. John Thurston is the ring master of the Nebraska circus and when his whip cracks just watch the fel lows jump. When he first went down to Washington, be left the interests of his constituents in the hands of the senior senator,',that grand old soldier, patriot and fearless champion of Nebraska, Hon. William V. Allen, and came home to dictate the manner in which the re publicans of this state should conduct themselves. He expressed himself through newspaper interviews and by the mouth of his claquers. Now the sac rificing John, with the arrogance of a czar, issues his commands to the politi cal serfs by signed edicts. Neglecting the care of the people's business and remain ing away from the sessions of the senate, this agent of the corporations employs his time conductiong a McKinley cam paign in Nebraska. He has succeeded in making Nebraska republicans "Stand up for Ohio" and can now go back to those eastern friends of his at Washington and have a champaign supper at the expense of the favorite son of the Buckeye state. Poor old Nebraska! Again is she humi liated in the dust to fill the cup of the political ambitions for a corporation lawyer. Ohio.has her McKinley; Maine.herReed; Pennsylvania, the indefatigable Matthew Quay; Kentuckey, a Bradley; New York, the hero of the millionaires, Morton; Iowa, hasher Allison; but Nebraska when her name is called at tne national republican convention, a form will rise sphnix-like and freely offering on the al tar of his country all the male relations of his noble sire, will say: "Nebraska boasts no favored son save he who comes this day, agreeable to pledges long ago given, and deposits these sixteen ballots for Ohio. I am John M. Thurston sena tor from Nebraska, and these my fellow citizens who accompany me here and for whom I speak, are my chosen henchmen from various quarters of my state. One, Manderson, did have some aspirations but to him I give the marble heart for my affections were elsewhere. When the Ohian is inaugurated, all Nebraska re publicans shall come to me and squirm like worms at my feet if they cherish am bitions for presidential preference. Yea, and those who have sought to set my authority at naught will find that it would have been better for them to have heeded my gracious admonitions. Ne braska desires to bo recorded for Ohio, per yours truly, John M. Thurston." Maybe John will not say that but whatever he says it will mean the same. Few are foolish enough not to under stand the game he is playing. Dur ing his incumbency as senator did any one ever bear of General Manderson dic tating politics for his Nebraska constit uents. It is not a part of the duties of a Senator who can find plenty to do at Washington for the people of this state. As a senator John M. has proven him self to be a dismal failure; as a political boss, he is an unqualified success. This is probably because he has had more ex perience as a politician than as a states man. I suppose a poor old mortgage bound farmer like me has no right to kick against the powers political, but at times I feel the whole force of my being rising in rebellion against the machinations of skilled and unscrupulous politicians just as I used to feel when we made the wel kin ring for John C. Fremont and fought for the right under Abraham Lincoln. We republicans of Nebraska want a show and if Thurston won't let us "stand up for Nebraska in our own ranks we pro pose to whooper up for Allen and home and country. "Stand up for Nebraska." Jasper Dick. Prof. O. H. Walters The Lincoln Normal has succeeded in securing the services of Prof. G. H. Walters, who has for some time been connected with CotnerUniversity. Prof. Walters will take charge of the com mercial department. As Prof. Walters is one of the rising young econonimists of the United States the Lincoln Normal has done well in securing him. THE THIUG THAT HURTS- The Placing of Honest man in a Position Where They Can't pay. The daily press published the fact that last week Nebraska and Kansas farmers who were forced to borrow money one year ago with which to purchase seed grain and solicited and obtained a loan of $15,000 from the Chicago Board of Trade, had returned already 40 per cent of the amount to their Chicago friends. The daily press recorded the matter as highly commendatory of western honesty Not at all. A man is always supposed to pay his honest debts and the trouble is the east doesn't understand the wen. tern ways. This money went to men who could not otherwise obtain credit and a large amount of it has been re turned out 01 tne little savings which worn aptimllv noAlat wlfk wk.nk chase necessities of life. The farmers had given their word to pay back the favors and they. have done so. What hurts a true western man s pride the most is to be placed in a position where he can't pay. And then above it all to have leg islation enacted against him and when he objects, to be termed an "anarchist." These are the things which hurt and make men suffer more than drouths. Our people are honest, even though some be poor. Polk County Democrat. ALLEN STILL FIGHTING. HE VIGOROUSLY OPPOSES AN IB- 0REA8E IN SALARIES. But the Ooldites Succeed in Raising Them Although the People are in Poverty. ' Washington, D. 0. March 20: In the debate upon the legislative bill this week Senator Allen fought vigorously the in crease of salaries allowed to district at torneys. Both attorneys and marshals, by action of the house, were placed un der the salaried system. The senate materially increased the salaries speci fied by the house. Senator Allen objec ted to the increases. He announced that he favored the abandonment of the foe sytem, but declared that the increases in the salaries were unwarranted. He in sisted that the offices required no high order of legal talent and that the duties in a majority 01 cases were purely per functory. "You and I know," said Sena tor Allen, "that the hiirhest, order nf local intellect is rarely brought into the ser vice 01 tee united mates in tbese offices. There are political debts to pay. Usual ly thev are to be naid to nnlitieinna nnA sometimes to shysters, who walk into tuese positions ana receive f7,UU0 or f 8,000 a year for their services; men who could not earn 750 a year honestly in the practice of law." He thought that the mileagl drawn by United States at torneys was excessive and presented a table showing the amounts charged against the United States by such attor neys for the period from July 1 to De cember 31, 1805. One of the smallest was that of Nebraska,' where the Hon. A. J. Sawyer was allowed f 647 for his traveling expenses. The salary fixed by the senate amendment for the district of Nebraska is f 5,000, which Mr. Allen con sidered excessive. Notwithstanding Sen ator Allen's fight the amendment and all the other amendments of a like nature passed. "MYSELF AND MY FRIENDS." ''Myself" is a Rigger Boss Than Quay or Piatt. The Manderson-McKinley imbroglio in Nebraska has been compromised by giv ing everything to McKinley and nothing to Manderson. It provides that the delegation may support' Manderson whenever it is dead sure that such sup port won't hurt McKinley. That is, when the Ohio man is dead, they may be allowed to vote for the Nebraska man, and this is tde way our politicians stand up for Nebraska. Senator Thurston is a modest bosst All he asks is to name two delegates-at-large out of the four from the state, and to furnish the platform for all the district conventions. He names John L. Webster, Peter Jensen and sug gests a man from Lincoln and one from north of the Platte west of Douglas couuty as the four-delegates at large, and demands that every other dele gate must be a radical McKinley man. Talk about political bosses! Why, our senator discounts them all. Quay nor Piatt would never have dared to dictate so openly and so shamelessly tor the politicians of. their respective states. Senator Thurston shows his excessive modesty in another way. In his letter he says: "Myself and my friends " Most gentlemen would have said, "My friends and myself," but it was necessary to let the boys know that be was the great "I am" in Nebraska, that he alone abso lutely ruled the roost, that the rank and file of the party dinn't know enough even to elect delegates or formulate platforms without his dictation. What does it all mean, anyhow? Why nothing much ex cept that Thurston and his fifteen other friends that go to the Chicago conven tion will get all the good federal offices and the other 80,000 republican voters will get nothing. That is, provided al ways that McKinley wins. If he loses, those sixteen men will kick themselves for their simpicity and be regarded as the champion jolterheads of the state. Central City Democral. A Goldite Fallacy. That large production does not in dicate a decrease in cost of . production as the goldites say is proven by every standard work on political economy. The following is an extract from one of them. "If there is an increase in the demand for agricultural produce it becomes ne cessary to resort to less production or more inaccessable land which cannot be cultivated without a greater expenditure of labor and capital in proportion to the produce which is raised from it. Many of the most important speculations of eoonomic science, for instance, Richard's theory of rent, depends upon the ten d ncy which agricultural produce has to beecome more expensive, as demand for jt increases." Manual Political Econ omy. Fawcett p. 316. V 11 XL