7
The Wealth Makers and Lincoln Independent Consolidated.
VOL. VII.
LINCOLN, NEBR., THURSDAY, APRIL 2, 1896.
NO. 43.
V
1
if r
r
1. w
TIE PLOT DNFOLDS.
Rothchilds Decides that the Demo
crats Shall Resolve for Free
Silver.
THE GOLDITES ALL AGREE TO IT
They Hope to Divide the Silver Forces
and Fat in the Republicans.
They Thiuk That They Can Fool the Peo
ple once Again.
The People's Party News Bcreau.
Bliss Building, 35 B. N. W.
Washington, March 25. It is true
that the silver faction may nominally con
trol the Chicago convention. The news
for days past all point to that con
clusion. The administration is so ad
vised and it is practically settled among
the leaders that there will be no split in
the convention on that account. New
Tork, David B. Hill Bays, will submit.
Campbell and Bricedmit that Ohio will
send a silver delegation to Chicago, and
they also admit that a free silver man
may be nominated. The news from In
diana, Illinois, and Michigan is of the
same drift. Missouri, Vest says, will
send a solid silver delegation to the con
vention "and if Cleveland is nominated
we will stand by the nomination."
"Speaking for myself," said the waspish
Missourian, "I will vote for the devil if
the uational democrat convention nomi
nates hfm." When asked how many
ilver democrats in Missouri would fol"
low him, he replied, "that, I don't know,
but I imagine the bulk of the party will
remain loyal to the organization." To
the same question Senator Cockerill re-
plied: "Our people are awfully stirred
up on the silver question and I can't be
gin to say what they will do on election
day if agold man is nominated at Chacigo
) But I don't look for that. We have got
the upper hand now and I feel pretty
sure that we shall control the conven
tion. It seems quite certain now that
McKinley will be the . republican can
didate and that will help us."
AT DEMOCRATIC HEADQUARTERS
one hears the same sort of talk. It is
-credited to Campbell, of Ohio, who, it is
asserted, will accept the Chicago nomi
' nation on a 16 to 1 platform. He was
here last week in close conference with
Lamont, Hill, Gorman, Gray, Vest and
all the southern leaders, and since that
time the free-silve.r-no-bolt scheme has
developed. An inner circle democrat
said today that Campbell's nomination
has been arranged as far as the demo
cratic leaders can arrange it. Campbell
made the assertion privately whil9 here
that Ohio is a free silver state and will
vote for the silver candidate without re
gard to the parly he represents. "Pro
tection and bimetallism," said he, is
more hateful to the people than gold
monometallism." WHAT IT MEANS.
"All this democratic talk about nom
inating a silver candidate at Chicago."
said Chairman Mott, of the National
Silver committee, "is just what I pre
dicted months ago. The gold faction of
the party is at the bottom of it; and the
' object of the agitation now is to divide
the silver people and prevent independent
x action. Silver democrats who never in
tended to bolt the Chicago nomination
agree to this policy because they have
all to gain by it and nothing to lose.
1,'liey expect to nave a few congressmen
jfi districts where it would not be safe to
resort to dishonest election methods. It
vr'Al make no difference who the candid
al ate may be or what the platform may
' be the election of the democratic presi
dent this year is hardly a possibility.
Nobody expects it and nobody will be
fooled by anything the Chicago conven
tion may do. The fact that the two
factions can unite on the same ticket will
stamp the whole scheme as the work of
the dominant gold faction. The one
thing the people have determined on this
year is a square fight on the money
question." Senator Tillman takes sub
stantially the same position. Recently
he has has been quoted as haveing mod
ified his views, but the report is incorrect.
"A free silver declaration at Chicago,"
he said today, "would only add cowar-
dice to trickery."
V f THE SOUTHERN CONTINGENT.
la ripe for the Campbell movement. "It
. J means a good deal to the south," said a
r leading southern democrat, "in the elec
tion of congressmen. A silver condidate
for president will solidify the south and
save the democratic party from complete
- disintegration. It is a mistake to sup
pose," he continued, "that the south can
be kept solid by dishonest election me
thods. The rule may hold good in cer
tain states, but not in all." Attention
was called to the Boatner case, decided
In the House laHt week. Even Boatner
was staggered by the evidence and beg
ged the House to accept a plea of guilty
and save him the humiliation of a public
trial. Every conceivable form of fraud,
, lying, cheating, and intimidation was
resorted to in the election, as established
y democratic confession.
EXCEPTION. NOT THE RULE.
"Yes," he replied, "the Louisiana case
is the exception not the rule. I voted
against unseating Boatner as a party
matter.- What happened in Boatner s
district has happened in other districts
in other southern states, but the practice
of false counting will not be followed so
generally hereafter. The silver question
has divided our people and they will not
submit longer to padded registration
lists and other irregular methods. We
are compelled to take notice of the re
volting element in our party ana we
must carry the election this year by hon
est methods or there will be trouhl.
Our only hope is in the nomination of t
silver candidate at Chicago." Not much
stock, however, is taken in what south
ern democrats say about fair election
methods. In every southern state where
democratic supremacy is maintained in
the next election the negro and illiterate
white voter will be disfranchised by con
stitutional inhibition. The Mississippi
and South Carolina suffrage plan will
be adopted, and that will practically end
all opposition to Bourbon ascendancy.
It will be a desperate contest, and, with
the election machinery in the hands of
unscrupulous party managers, all the
chances are against an honest election.
His face burning with shame, Boatner,
on leaving the house, said, "I will come
back next month with a bigger majority
than I had before."
WHAT IS A DOLLAR?
JUDGE MILLER GIVES THE LEGAL
AND SCIENTIFIC DEFINITION-
One Legal Dollar Must Have the Same
Value of any other Legal Dollar.
It is claimed by the advocates of the
gold standard that our coinage system
should be so adjusted as to give at all
times the equal power of every dollar
coined or issued by the United States in
the market and in the payment of debts
that is, that one dollar should be as
good for monetary purposes as every
dollar. What is a dollar? The twentieth
section of the act of 1792, which organ
ized our monetary system preserved in
section 3563 of the revised statutes, pro
vides: "The money of account of the United
States shall be expressed in units or do!5
lars, dimes or tenths, cents or hundredths
and mills or thousands; the dime being a
tenth part of a dollar, the cent boing the
hundredth part of a dollar, and the mill
being the thousandth part Of a dollar;
and all accounts in the public offices and
all proceedings in the courts of the Uni
ted States shall be kept in conformity to
this regulation." ' , .
The dollar, then, is simply the unit of
account. Hamilton said in his mint re
port that it was mere property designa
ted by the word unit, but was called the
"dollar" for the reason that the Spanish
milled dollar had long been used in the
colonies as their monetary unit.
What is demanded, then, is that each
monetary unit shall be as valuable as
every other monetary unit.
. In the legal tender cases 12th Wallace
Reports p 553, the supreme court says:
"The coinage acts fix its unit as a dol
lar, but the gold or silver thing we call a
dollar is in no sense a standard of a dol
lar. It is a representative of it. There
might never have been a piece of money
of the denomination of a dollar. There
never was a pound sterling coined un
til 1815, if we except a few pieces struck
in the reign of Henry VIII almost immed
iately debased, yet it has been the unit
for many generations."
Under existing law, the dollar is era
bodied in, or representendby412 grains
of standard silver, or 25-8 grains of
standard gold. These two pieces are
equivalent representatives of our money
unit, and being equal to the same thing
they are equal to each other.
In the bimetallic system, when a pre
scribed quantity of each metal is made
the legal equivalent or representative of
the monetary unit, they must, by per
forming the office or function of money,
have the same value, for this equality of
value is a necessary incident of the
monetary functions which the dollar per
forms. '
It is impossible to suppose that two
substances, equally endowed with the
money function should not have a cor
responding value for monetary use, or
that one legal unit should not be as
valuable for monetary purposes as any
other legal unit. Each is a legal tender
for exactly one dollar, no more, no less,
and is of course exchangeable at the
same rate for commodities and other
forms of property. This must be so
without any regard to the commodity
value of the metals in which the unit is
embodied.
Both of the political parties in 1892
declared for "the use of both gold and
silver as standard money of the country
without discriminating against either
metafor charge for mintage."
This was the distinct declaration in
favor of the passage through the mint
into the currency of the two metals, gold
or silver, upon equal terms, and the
equal use of the coins struck from these
metals as money of ultimate payment,
for in no other way can ''gold and silver
be used as the standard money of the
country." .
In the Democratic platform it is added:
"But the dollar unit of coinage of both
metals must be of equal intrinsic ex
changeable .value or be so adjusted
through international agreement or the
safeguards of legislation as shall insure
the parity of the two metals in the mar
kets and in the payment of debts."
Stripped of its barren verbiage, it
means that the "dollar" in the silver
coin shall be the equal in every respect
for monetary use of the dollar in the
gold coin.
This does not, to any extent, modify
the distinct declaration in favor of bi
metallism for the equality or sameness
of the value of the silver or gold dollar
resides in, and Is inseperablo from the
money function with which they are re
spectively endowed and is in no manner
dependent upon the character of the
materials selected to perform this func
tion. Henry G. Miller.
Chicago, Feb. 28, 1895.
OLD PARTY STATESMEN
A Specimen of Profound Discussion
by Men Who Ridicule Populists.
SOME PLUTOCRAT ELOQUENCE.
Reed can Always see one of These
Mountebanks but Never a Man
Who Would Help the People.
Thirty-two Dollars a day for PlaylngClown
During the debate in congress on the
censure of Mr. Bayard, Mr. Gibson of
Tennessee made a rather grandiloquent
address on the glories of our country,
and the wickedness of Mr. Bayard in
criticizing his countrymen.
Mr. Sulzer of New York in retaliation
accused Mr. Gibson of having sent out a
circular to his constituents over his own
frank. The circular it seems bad a
"beautiful photograph" of Gibson with
the American flag on either side and
above them the words "Rally boys; rally
once again!"
Mr. Sulzer remarked that the words
meant, "Send Gibson back to congress
and the country will be safe."
Thinking that the people of Nebraska
would like to read a specimen of the pro
found debate carried on between two of
the representatives of this glorious (?)
congress, we give the following. We will
only add that the debate on Bayard
occupied three days and these two men
are supposed to be average old party
congressmen:
Mr. Gibson. This is from a Washington
letter to the New York World:
Mr. Sulzer, our own Mr. Sulzer, was
much watched and noticed. As all the
world knows, he has been speaker of our
assembly and has shown all kinds of
talent. He is the man who spoke of
Crokeras "that silent, farseeing states
man." If Mr. Sulzer has principle or gets
any he ought to become something of a
man. It is a fact beyond question that
he has the best face, in some respects,
among all the congressmen in the house.
It is a strong face, an old fashioned face.
It looks something like the face of Henry
Clay. It is a very self-conscious one at
present.
Mr. Sulzer must let us with kindness
warn bim against thedanger of too great
self-concentration. He thinks even about
his coat. He undid all but the lowest
button of it as he walked out on the floor
to be sworn, and tried to walk like a tired
statesman. But he really wants to be
great. WheD Reed already great in na
tional matters began to speak, Sulzer
leaned forward in his chair and listened
to him with flushed face and very bright
eyes, gripping the arm of his chair tight
ly at the same time. It is said that Sul
zer looks upon Keed as his prey in this
congress, and means to show him that a
speaker has come on from New York to
teach him soraenewtbings. Sulzer should
take smaller game for a while, but per
haps he will grow np to Reed.
Great laughter.
Now, Mr. Speaker, he has shown my
picture to this house; I show his picture
to this house. "Look on this picture,
and then on that." Laughter.
Another word. He says that when I
go to Tennessee, in answer to their ques
tion, "What have you done?" I will say
to them, "I have abused Bayard." Now,
when he goes back to New York and the
people of New York say, "Mr. Seidlitz
Powder, what did you do while in the
congress of the United States?" he will
say, "I abused Gibson." Laughter.
Mr. Sulzer. Mr. Speaker, I rise to a
question of personal privilege.
The Speaker. The gentleman from
New York.
Mr. Sulzer. Mr. Speaker, what the
gentleman from Tennessee has read about
me in a clipping from the New York
World is what another man wrote about
me. I did not write that, and if there are
men on the newspaper press who some
times abuse me and maliciously malign
me and say unkind things about me and
make unkind comparisons with other
great men about me laughter that is
not my fault. I can not help that. That
is somo other person's fault.
But the gentleman from Ten
nessee Mr. Gibson wrote every
thing in this circular himself, and
about himself, and in praise of himself,
and against the democrats, and then
signed his own name to it, put his own
picture on it, put on the American flag,
told what a great man he was, told how
many good bills he had introduced, how
many good resolutions he had offered,
told how many departments he had
visited, how many speeches he had made,
how well they were received in the house,
how they wereapplauded.how he always
got the speaker's eye, how he never had
any trouble, how he was a friend of the
old soldier, the soldier's wife, the soldier's
children; and he wound up by telling his
constituents, "Do not fail to attend your
county convention, and be sure to take
your neighbors with you. Do not forget
the day and hour the words 'day and
hour' in italics laughter set for your
convention. I am putting my trust in
you and your neighbors. If you get
more than one of these letters give it to
your neighbor."
I did not write what he read about me
from the New York World, but he can not
get upon the floor of this bouse and deny
that he wrote all in this circular about
himself.
Mr. Gibson. What of it? It is a'l
right.
Mr. Sulzer. Is it? I am glad you like
it. I find no fault with it it you do not.
I do, however, find some fault with the
World correspondent who wrote the
article you read about me. He hit me
on several weak points laughter, and
as he had known me for years, kuew all
about me, knew my record, I thought it
unkind of him to come down here on the
first day of the session and write roe up
and tell all about me, and give me away,
as it were. Laughter. I thought that
was just a little unkind; but if you
like what you wrote abontyourself I find
no fault with it, my dear Brother Gibson,
and if I have
- Mr. Gibson. I wish you would have it
printed in the Record. Laughter.
. Mr. Sulzer. I will do it for you. There
is nothing mean about me. Mr. Speaker,
I send this circular to the clerk and ask
permission to print it in the Record as a
part of my remarks. I offer it as a part of
my remarks, because if the gentleman is
not going to frank it, I want to give him
a chance to frank it with as much moral
ity of feeling and with as much compunc
tion oi conscience for himself as be thinks
I possess. I never claim any more mo
rality or any more virtue or any more
honesty for myself than I am willing at
all times to concede to the rest of the
good people of the world.
; Mr. Speaker, if I have said anything
unkind, or if the gentleman has taken
any offense at what I have said, I am
very sorry.
? I did not intend any offense, and I hope
I have given none; but I will say this,
that I saw that this debate in regard to
Mr. Bayard was degenerating into a
farce, a roaring farce. I thought I would
play my little part in it. If I have done
it successfully without offending the dis
tinguished gentleman who presides here
or any of the members I am entirely con
tent and satisfied. When I was a boy,
and ever since, when there was a circus
in town, it has been my unvarying and
determined effort to and desire to go if I
could. 1 always tried togetto thecircus
if 1 could, but always as a spectator. I
am glad that I got to this great circus
in the house of representatives in regard
to Mr. Bayard. I am glad that I have
been able to play a part in it, not the
part of the clown, I hope, but the part,
if I may say it, of the ringmaster, and
that I have had an opportunity to snap
the political whip at some egotistical
and foolish republicans who think they
are a great deal wiser, more knowing,
and a great deal holier than this poor
man Bayard whom they have attacked,
not wisely, but too well. Applause.
Reader, are you proud of your repre
sentatives? Areyou proud of the speaker
who will "recognize" such speakers, while
the man who really has something to say
(,ad something to do for the relief of the
toners, tne larmers, ana wontinginen, is
refused permission to speak. And it is
the toilers of the country who pay the
salaries of these members, who occupy
the time for which they are paid in the
manner recorded above, while the inter
ests of their employers are forgotten or
pushed into the background. They are
"only having their fun" at your expense,
and the expense is pretty heavy for that
Quality of fun. Every congressman re
ceives about $32 a day for the time he
spends in Washington for they are only
there about half of their time. U.D. inde
pendent. LET U8 ALL .UNITE.
A Long Pull, A Strong Pull and Pull
Altogether.
Strang, Neb., March 20, 1896.
Editor Independent: I see from
some of the republican papers that the
populists are about all dead. I was in
the east for two months this winter dur
ing January and February in the states
of Illinois and Indiana and was over
considerable territory, and bad conver
sations with a good many people of all
political parties. If some of our old line
politicians would go bade there, ana
hear the people talk.they would not think
the populists were all dead. Almost all
of them are disgusted with both old
parties, are sick and tired of them, and
seem to think if the populist and free
silver parties would combine and nomi
nate a good man at our national con
vention to be held at St. Louis in July,
that we surely would elect him. Our
Senator Allen is a favorite candidate
with them. His work in the senate is
most satisfactory to all. They also
have an eye on our governor, Silas A.
Holcomb, and think he is just the man
for governor of Nebraska.
If we could get such men into our su
preme court we would not fear but
what there would be better times in the
near future. If congress does anything
to relieve the people, our courts undo it.
Now the east is waking up and will be
with us this fall, and we will be sure of
success, if we will only see that " each
township sends the right kind of men to
the county conventions and good
men are sent to the state conventions;
men that will work for our interest. If
this is done we will have no trouble in
getting the right kind of delegates to our
national convention. We must ail work
together if we expect to accomplish our
ends. We have the whole money power
to fight and as long as they can hold
our government by using their money
they will do so.
If we could get our Nebraska Idepen
dent, circulated more, it would be a grand
thiug. It would do more good than any
thing we could do. One of the things we
need most is the Press. 1
, B. F. Timmeans.
Irrigating Nebraska.
Few poople realize the magnitude of
the irrigation enterprises in the Middle
Loup valley. The total length of the
Lillian, Middle Loup and Wescott ditches
in about 120 miles, which, when com
pleted, will irrigate nearly 75.000 acres
of good farmland. The expense of the
enterprises will be from $150,000 to
$175,000. Surely these figures ought to
be the best of testimony to the home
seeker of the indomitable will, match
less energy and uuconquerable spirit of
the people among whom he is invited to
cost his lot.
DEAD AS AMACKERAL
The Principles of Abraham Lincoln
in the Republican party.
JASPER DICK IS DISGUSTED.
He Don't Like Corporation Attorney
Bosses who Stand up for Ohio.
Nebraska Humiliated to Fill the cap or
John V. Pt Thurston's Ambitious.
Whip-Poor-Will Precinct, Feb 20,'90
Editor Independent: I confess I must
be losing all my faith in the old party.
1 am indeed almost persuaded to join you
'pops,"for Abraham Lincoln repblicanism
sdead as a mackeral, at least here in Ne
braska. The good old days are gone when
the voters controlled the party. Now
it's the bosses. John Thurston is the
ring master of the Nebraska circus and
when his whip cracks just watch the fel
lows jump. When he first went down to
Washington, be left the interests of his
constituents in the hands of the senior
senator,',that grand old soldier, patriot
and fearless champion of Nebraska,
Hon. William V. Allen, and came home
to dictate the manner in which the re
publicans of this state should conduct
themselves. He expressed himself
through newspaper interviews and by
the mouth of his claquers. Now the sac
rificing John, with the arrogance of a
czar, issues his commands to the politi
cal serfs by signed edicts. Neglecting the
care of the people's business and remain
ing away from the sessions of the senate,
this agent of the corporations employs
his time conductiong a McKinley cam
paign in Nebraska. He has succeeded in
making Nebraska republicans "Stand up
for Ohio" and can now go back to those
eastern friends of his at Washington and
have a champaign supper at the expense
of the favorite son of the Buckeye state.
Poor old Nebraska! Again is she humi
liated in the dust to fill the cup of the
political ambitions for a corporation
lawyer.
Ohio.has her McKinley; Maine.herReed;
Pennsylvania, the indefatigable Matthew
Quay; Kentuckey, a Bradley; New York,
the hero of the millionaires, Morton;
Iowa, hasher Allison; but Nebraska
when her name is called at tne national
republican convention, a form will rise
sphnix-like and freely offering on the al
tar of his country all the male relations
of his noble sire, will say: "Nebraska
boasts no favored son save he who comes
this day, agreeable to pledges long ago
given, and deposits these sixteen ballots
for Ohio. I am John M. Thurston sena
tor from Nebraska, and these my fellow
citizens who accompany me here and for
whom I speak, are my chosen henchmen
from various quarters of my state. One,
Manderson, did have some aspirations
but to him I give the marble heart for
my affections were elsewhere. When the
Ohian is inaugurated, all Nebraska re
publicans shall come to me and squirm
like worms at my feet if they cherish am
bitions for presidential preference. Yea,
and those who have sought to set my
authority at naught will find that it
would have been better for them to have
heeded my gracious admonitions. Ne
braska desires to bo recorded for Ohio,
per yours truly, John M. Thurston."
Maybe John will not say that but
whatever he says it will mean the same.
Few are foolish enough not to under
stand the game he is playing. Dur
ing his incumbency as senator did any
one ever bear of General Manderson dic
tating politics for his Nebraska constit
uents. It is not a part of the duties of
a Senator who can find plenty to do at
Washington for the people of this state.
As a senator John M. has proven him
self to be a dismal failure; as a political
boss, he is an unqualified success. This
is probably because he has had more ex
perience as a politician than as a states
man. I suppose a poor old mortgage bound
farmer like me has no right to kick
against the powers political, but at times
I feel the whole force of my being rising
in rebellion against the machinations of
skilled and unscrupulous politicians just
as I used to feel when we made the wel
kin ring for John C. Fremont and fought
for the right under Abraham Lincoln.
We republicans of Nebraska want a show
and if Thurston won't let us "stand up
for Nebraska in our own ranks we pro
pose to whooper up for Allen and home
and country. "Stand up for Nebraska."
Jasper Dick.
Prof. O. H. Walters
The Lincoln Normal has succeeded in
securing the services of Prof. G. H.
Walters, who has for some time been
connected with CotnerUniversity. Prof.
Walters will take charge of the com
mercial department. As Prof. Walters is
one of the rising young econonimists of
the United States the Lincoln Normal
has done well in securing him.
THE THIUG THAT HURTS-
The Placing of Honest man in a Position
Where They Can't pay.
The daily press published the fact that
last week Nebraska and Kansas farmers
who were forced to borrow money one
year ago with which to purchase seed
grain and solicited and obtained a loan
of $15,000 from the Chicago Board of
Trade, had returned already 40 per cent
of the amount to their Chicago friends.
The daily press recorded the matter as
highly commendatory of western honesty
Not at all. A man is always supposed
to pay his honest debts and the trouble
is the east doesn't understand the wen.
tern ways. This money went to men
who could not otherwise obtain credit
and a large amount of it has been re
turned out 01 tne little savings which
worn aptimllv noAlat wlfk wk.nk
chase necessities of life. The farmers had
given their word to pay back the favors
and they. have done so. What hurts a
true western man s pride the most is to
be placed in a position where he can't
pay. And then above it all to have leg
islation enacted against him and when
he objects, to be termed an "anarchist."
These are the things which hurt and
make men suffer more than drouths.
Our people are honest, even though some
be poor. Polk County Democrat.
ALLEN STILL FIGHTING.
HE VIGOROUSLY OPPOSES AN IB-
0REA8E IN SALARIES.
But the Ooldites Succeed in Raising Them
Although the People are in Poverty. '
Washington, D. 0. March 20: In the
debate upon the legislative bill this week
Senator Allen fought vigorously the in
crease of salaries allowed to district at
torneys. Both attorneys and marshals,
by action of the house, were placed un
der the salaried system. The senate
materially increased the salaries speci
fied by the house. Senator Allen objec
ted to the increases. He announced that
he favored the abandonment of the foe
sytem, but declared that the increases
in the salaries were unwarranted. He in
sisted that the offices required no high
order of legal talent and that the duties
in a majority 01 cases were purely per
functory. "You and I know," said Sena
tor Allen, "that the hiirhest, order nf local
intellect is rarely brought into the ser
vice 01 tee united mates in tbese offices.
There are political debts to pay. Usual
ly thev are to be naid to nnlitieinna nnA
sometimes to shysters, who walk into
tuese positions ana receive f7,UU0 or
f 8,000 a year for their services; men who
could not earn 750 a year honestly in
the practice of law." He thought that
the mileagl drawn by United States at
torneys was excessive and presented a
table showing the amounts charged
against the United States by such attor
neys for the period from July 1 to De
cember 31, 1805. One of the smallest
was that of Nebraska,' where the Hon.
A. J. Sawyer was allowed f 647 for his
traveling expenses. The salary fixed by
the senate amendment for the district of
Nebraska is f 5,000, which Mr. Allen con
sidered excessive. Notwithstanding Sen
ator Allen's fight the amendment and all
the other amendments of a like nature
passed.
"MYSELF AND MY FRIENDS."
''Myself" is a Rigger Boss Than Quay
or Piatt.
The Manderson-McKinley imbroglio in
Nebraska has been compromised by giv
ing everything to McKinley and nothing
to Manderson. It provides that the
delegation may support' Manderson
whenever it is dead sure that such sup
port won't hurt McKinley. That is,
when the Ohio man is dead, they may be
allowed to vote for the Nebraska man,
and this is tde way our politicians stand
up for Nebraska. Senator Thurston is a
modest bosst All he asks is to name two
delegates-at-large out of the four from
the state, and to furnish the platform
for all the district conventions. He names
John L. Webster, Peter Jensen and sug
gests a man from Lincoln and one from
north of the Platte west of Douglas
couuty as the four-delegates at large,
and demands that every other dele
gate must be a radical McKinley man.
Talk about political bosses! Why, our
senator discounts them all. Quay nor
Piatt would never have dared to dictate
so openly and so shamelessly tor the
politicians of. their respective states.
Senator Thurston shows his excessive
modesty in another way. In his letter he
says: "Myself and my friends " Most
gentlemen would have said, "My friends
and myself," but it was necessary to let
the boys know that be was the great
"I am" in Nebraska, that he alone abso
lutely ruled the roost, that the rank and
file of the party dinn't know enough even
to elect delegates or formulate platforms
without his dictation. What does it all
mean, anyhow? Why nothing much ex
cept that Thurston and his fifteen other
friends that go to the Chicago conven
tion will get all the good federal offices
and the other 80,000 republican voters
will get nothing. That is, provided al
ways that McKinley wins. If he loses,
those sixteen men will kick themselves
for their simpicity and be regarded as
the champion jolterheads of the state.
Central City Democral.
A Goldite Fallacy.
That large production does not in
dicate a decrease in cost of . production
as the goldites say is proven by every
standard work on political economy.
The following is an extract from one
of them.
"If there is an increase in the demand
for agricultural produce it becomes ne
cessary to resort to less production or
more inaccessable land which cannot be
cultivated without a greater expenditure
of labor and capital in proportion to the
produce which is raised from it. Many
of the most important speculations of
eoonomic science, for instance, Richard's
theory of rent, depends upon the ten
d ncy which agricultural produce has to
beecome more expensive, as demand for
jt increases." Manual Political Econ
omy. Fawcett p. 316.
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