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About Omaha daily bee. (Omaha [Neb.]) 187?-1922 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 1, 1916)
THE BEE: UMAma. . JESDAY, AUGUST 1, 1916.- HUGHES OUTLINES POLICY FOR PARTY lepublican Nominee Clearly States Issues Before People and Takes His Stand. NO DOUBT AS TO POSITION (Caatlaacd Fran Pats On.) nation, worthy of the American name. Mexico. "The dealings of the administration with Mexico constitute a confused chapter of blunders. We have not helped Mexico. She lies prostrate, impoverished, famine-stricken, over whelmed with the woes and outrages of internecine strife, the helpless vic tim of a condition of anarchy which the course of the administration only served to promote. For ourselves, we have witnessed the murder of our citi zens and the destruction of their prop erty. We 'lave made enemies, not friends. Instead of commanding re aped and deserving good-will by sin cerity, firmness and consistency, we provoked misapprehension and deep resentment. In the light of the con duct of the administration no one could understand its professions. De scrying interference, we interfered most exasperatingly. We have not even kept out of actual confli-t, and the soil of Mexico is stained with the blood of our aoldiers. We have re sorted, to physical invasion, only to retire without gaining the professed object. It ia a record which cannot be examined without i profound sense of humiliation. Mistake it the Very Start. "When the-administration came lnn nnur Hurrti was exercising au thority as provisional president of Mexico. He was certainly in laci ine head of the government 01 Mexico. UhrtW or not he should be recog- nited was a question to be determined in the exercise of a sound discretion, but according to correct principles. TK nrrairimt was entitled to be as sured that there was at least a de facto government; that international nhlitiona would be performed; that the lives and property of American cititens would have proper protec tion. To attempt, however, to con-, trol the domestic concerns of Mexico was simply intervention, not less so because disclaimed. The height of fnllv wai in have a vascillatmz and ineffective intervention which could only evoke bitterness and contempt, which would fail to pacify thee oun ' trv and to assure peace and prosper- ' ky under a stable government. If crimes were committed, we do not palliate them. We make no defense of Huerta. But the administration had nothinar to do with the moral character of Huerta, if, in fact, he rrnresented the arovernment of Mex co. We shall never worthily prose cote our ' unselfish aims or. serve humanity bv wrona-headednesa. So far as the character of Huerta ia con- rrrnrd. the hollownell Of the Dreten- aions on this score is revealed by the administration s subsequent patronage of Villa (whose qualifications aa an assassin are indisputable); whom ap parently the administration was ready to recognize he had achieved his end and fulfilled, what then secmea to De his hope. fAtifi TJnita VaeAfd. "The question is not as to the non recognition of Huerta. The adminis tration did not content itself with re fusing to recognise Huerta, who was recognized by Great Britain. Ger many, France, Russia, Spain and Japan. The administration undertook to destrvy Huerta, to control the Mexican politics, even to deny Huerta the right to be a candidate for the of fice of president at the election the administration demanded. With what bewilderment must the Mexicans have regarded our assertion of their right to manage their own affairs. In the aummer of 1913 John Lind was dis patched to the City of Mexico aa the president'i 'personal spokesman and representative' to the unrecognized Huerta, in order to demand that the latter eliminate himself. It waa an unjustifiable mission, most offensive to a sensitive people. John Lind lin gered irritatintly. Jne administra tion continued to direct its efforts at the destrcution of the only govern' - ment Mexico bad. , . . Vera Crux Only Pretext ' "In the spring of 1914 occurred the capture of Vera Cruz. Men from one of our ships had been arrested at Tampico and had been discharged with an apology. But our admiral de manded a salute, whicn was refused, Thereupon the present went to con cress, asking ! authority to use the armed forces of the United States. Without waiting for the passage of the resolution Vera Cruz was seized. It appeared that a shipload of ammu nition for Huerta was about to en ter the port There waa a natural op position ot this invasion and a battle occurred, in which nineteen Amen can and over 100 Mexicans were . killed. This, of course, waa war. Our .dead aoldiers were praised for dying i like heroes in a war ot service. Later we retired from Vera Cruz, vivina uu this noble warfare. - We had not ob tained the salute which was de manded. We had not obtained reo- aration for affronts. The ship with ammunition which could not land at : Vera Cruz had soon landed at an - other port and its cargo was deliv' ered to Huerta without interference. Recently the naked truth was admit' ted by a cabinet officer. We are now informed that "we did not go to Vera Cruz to force Huerta to salute the ;' flag.' We are told that we went there , 'to show that we were in earnest in our demand that Huerta must go. ' That is, we seized Vera Cruz to de pose Huerta. The question of the salute was a mere pretext. ' No Protection for Americans, . . "Meanwhile; the administration tit terly fail to perform ita obvious duty to secure protection for the lives and ' property of our citizens. It is most t unworthy to slur those who have in vestments in Mexico in order to es ' caDe a condemnation for the non performance of this duty. There can . be no such escape, for we have no debate, ana tnere can be no debate, . as to the existence of this duty on the part of our government Let me quote the words of the democratic platform of 1912: The constitutional righta of American citizens should protect them ' on our borders, and go with them throughout the world, and every American citizen residing or having property in any foreign country ii . entitled to- and must be given the : full protection of the United States ... government, both for himself and his property.' The bitter hatred aroused by the course ot the administration multiplied outrages, while our failure to afford protection to our citizens evoked the scorn and contempt of Mexicans. Consider the ignominious incident at Tampico in connection with the capture of Vera Cruz. In the midst of the greatest danger to the hundreds of Americans con gregated at Tampico, our ships which were m tne naroor were wunnrawn and our citizens were saved only by the intervention of German officers and were taken away by British and German ships. The official excuse of the secretary of the navy is an extra ordinary commentary. Our ships, it seems, had been ordered to vera Cruz; but, as it appeared that they were not needed, the order was re scinded. Then, we are told, our ad miral was faced with this remarkable dilemma. If he attempted to go up the river at Tampico and take our citi zens aboard, the word ot aggressive action, as the secretary canea u would have spread to the surround ing country, and it was almost cer tain that reprisals on American citi zens would nave touowea, ana lives would have been lost.' We had so in censed the Mexicans that we could nnt rme our own citizens at Tam pico, save at the risk of the murder of others. We must take vera v-ruz to get Huerta out of office and trust to other nations to tret our own citizens out of peril. What a travesty of in ternational policy I Debauch of Anarchy Follows. "Destroying the government of Huerta, we left Mexico to the rav acrti of revolution. I shall not at tempt to narrate the sickening story of the barbarities committed, ot tne car nival of murder and lust. We were then told that Mexico was entitled to snill as much blood as she pleased to settle her affairs. The administra tion vacillated with respect to the embargo on the export of arms and munitions to Mexico. Under the res olution of 1912, President Taft had laid such an embargo. In August, 1913. President Wilson stated that he deemed it his duty to see that neither side to the struggle in Mexico should - - t receive any assistance iium mw aiuv of the border, and that the export of all arms and munitions to Mexico would be forbidden. But in February, 1914, the embargo was lifted. In Anril. 1914. the embargo was restored. In Miv 1914. it waa exnlained that the embargo did not apply to Ameri can shipments through Mexican ports, and ammunition for Carranza was subsequently landed at Tampico. In September, 1914, the embargo was lifted on exoorts across the border thereupon military supplies reached both Villa and Carranza. In October, 1915, an embargo waa declared on all exports of arms except to the adher ents of Carranza. There was an utter absence of consistent policy. Between Villa and Carranza. "For a time we bestowed friendship on Vi la. Ultimately we recognized Carranza, not on the ground that he had a constitutional government, but that it was a de facto government. The complete failure to secure 'pro tection to American citizens is shown conclusively in the note of the secre tarv of state of June 20. 1916. in which he thus described the conditions that have obtained during the last three years: . , i," " 'For three years the Mexican re public has been torn with civil strife the lives of Americana and other aliens have been sacrificed: vast prop erties developed by American capital and enterprise, have been destroyed or rendered non-productive; bandits have been permitted to roam at will through the territory contiguous to the united States, and to aeize with out punishment or without effective attempt at punshment, the property of Americans, while the lives of citi zens of the United States who ven tured to remain in Mexican territory or to return there to protect their in terest have been taken in some cases, barbarously taken, and the murderers have neither been appre- ll.fl.J HA. ll.n.llll., .A 1,.B: It would be tedious to recount in' stance after instance, outrage after outrage, atrocity after atrocity, to il lustrate tne true nature and extent ot the widespread conditions of lawless ness' and violence which have pre vailed. Massacres Fresh in Mind. The Santa Ysabel massacre, the raid it Colnmbus. the bloodshed at .Catnza! are fresh in your minds. After the Columeus raid we started a 'puni tive expedition.' We aent a thin line of troops hundreds Of miles into Mex ico. between two lines of railway. neither ot which we were allowed to use, and which we did not feet at liberty to seize. We were refused permission to enter the towns. Though thus restricted, the enterprise -.:n i.j i . ' w ' ' waa sun rcgarucu oy inc Mexicans as a menace. Our troops faced hos tile forces and it is not remarkable that our men fell at Carrizal. What other result could be expected? We were virtually ordered to withdraw, and without accomplishing our pur pose we have been withdrawing and we are now endeavoring to safeguard our own territory. The entire national guard has been ordered out and many tnousanas ot citizens have been tak en from their peaceful employments and hurried to the Mexican border. The administration waa to aetze and punish Villa for his outrage on our soil. It has not punished any one: we went in only to retire, and future movements are apparently to be de icmuncu uy a joint commission. What We Wish for Mexico. 'The nation has no policy of atr- gression toward Mexico. We have no desire for any part of her territory. We wish her to have peace, stabilitv and prosperity. We should be ready to aid her in binding up her wounds, in relieving tier Irom atarvation and distress, and in giving her in every practicable way the benefits of our distinterested friendship. The conduct ot this administration has created dif ficulties which we shall have to sur mount We shall have to overcome the antipathy needlessly created by that conduct and to develop genuine respect and confidence. We shall have to adopt a new policy, a policy of firmness and consistency through which alone we can promote an en during friendship. We demand from Mexico the protection of the lives and the property of our citizens and the security of our border from depre dations. Much will be gained if Mexico is convinced that we content plate no meddlesome interference with what doea not concern us, but that we propose to insist in a firm and candid manner upon the perform ance of international obligations. To a atable government, appropriately discharging its international duties we should give ungrudging support. A short period of firm, consistent and friendly dealing wilt accomplish more than many years of vacillation. Maintenance of American Righta. In this land of composite popula tion, drawing its strength from every race, the national security demands that there shall be no pattering with American rights. The greater the danarer of divisive influences, the greater is the necessity for the unify ing lorce oi a just, strong ana patrio tic position. We countenance no co vert policies, no intrigues, no secret schemes. We are unreservedly, de votedly, whole-heartedly, for the United States, i hat is the rallying point for all Americans. That is my position. I stand for the unflinch ing maintenance of all American ights on land and sea. We have had a clear and definite mission as a great neutral nation. It was tor us to maintain the integrity of international law; to vindicate our rights as neutrals; to protect the lives t our citizens, their property and trade from wrongful acts. Putting aside any question as to the highest possibilities of moral leadership in the maintenance and vindication of the law of nations in connection with the European war, at least entitled to the safeguarding of American rights. But this has not been aecured. We have had brave words in a series of notes, but despite our protests the lives of Americans have been de stroyed. What does it avail to use some of the strongest words known to diplomacy it ambassadors can re ceive the impression that the words are not to be taken seriously? It is not words, but the strength and reso lution behind the words, that count The chief function of diplomacy is prevention; but in this our diplomacy failed, doubtless because of its im paired credit and the manifest lack of disposition to back words with ac tion. Had this government by the use of both informal and formal dip lomatic opportunities left no doubt that when we aaid strict accountability we meant precisely what we said, and that we should unhesitatingly vindi cate that position, I am confident that there would have been on destruction of American lives by the sinking of the Lusitania. There, we had ample notice; in fact, published notice. furthermore, we knew the situation and we did not require specific notice. Instead of whittling away our formal statements by equivocal conversations, we needed the straight direct ana de cisive representations which every diplomat and foreign office would un- derstand. I believe that in this way we ahould have been soared the re' peated assaults on American uvea. Moreover, a firm American policy would have been strongly supported by our people and the opportunities for the development of bitter feeling would have been vastly reduced. Courage An Assurance of Peace, "It ia a srreat mistake to aav that resoluteness in protecting American rights would have led to war. Katner, in that course lay the best assurance of peace. Weakness and indecision in the maintenance of known rights are always sources of grave danger; they forfeit respect and invite serious wrongs, which in turn create an un controllable popular resentment. That is not the path ot national security. Not only have we a host ot resources short of war by which to enforce our just demands, but we shall never pro mote our peace by being stronger in words than in deeds. We should not have found it difficult to maintain peace, but we should have maintained peace with honor. During this criti cal period, the only danger of war has lain in tne weak course oi tne ad ministration. "I do not out life and property on the same footing, but the administra tion has not only been remiss with respect to the protection of American lives; it haa been remiss with respect to the protection of American prop erty and American commerce. It has been too much disposed to De con tent with leisurely discussion. I can not now understake to review the course of events, but it is entirely clear that we failed to use the re sources at our command to prevent uiiunous act on. and mat we suncrra m consequence, we nave no ulterior nurnoscs and the administration should have Known now to secure tne entire protection of every legitimate American must unreservedly condemn recognition of our just demands as a neutral nation. "We denounca all clots and conspir acies in the interest ot any toreign nation. Utterly intolerable is the use of our soil for alien intrigues. Every American must unserervedly condemn them, and sunoort every ettort tor their suppression. But here, also, prompt, vigorous and adequate meas ures on tne pan ot tne aaminiscrauon were needed. There should have been no hesitation; no notion that it was wise and oolitic to delay such an abuse of our territory demanded im mediate and thorough-going action As soon aa the administration had no tice of plots and conspiracies, it was its duty to stop them. It was not lacking in resources. Its responsibility for their continuance cannot be escaped by the condemnation of others. Preparedness. 'We are a peace-loving people, but we live in a world of arms. We have no thoutrht of asaression. and we de' sire to preserve our democratic ideals without the wastes of strife. So de voted are we to these ideals, so in tent upon our normal development, that I do not believe that there is the slightest danger of militarism in this country. Adeauate preparedness is not militarism. It is the essential as surance of security; it is a necessary safeguard of peace. It is apparent that we are shock ingly unprepared. There ia no room for controversy on this point since the object lesson on the Mexican bor der. All our available regular troops (less, I believe, than 40,000), are there nr in Vfvirrv and as these have been deemed insufficient the entire National Guard has been ordered out; that is, we are summoning practically all our movable military forces in order to prevent bandit incursions. In view of the warnings of the last three years, it is inexcusable that we should find ourselves in this plight. For our faithful guardsmen, who with a fine patriotism responded to this call and are bearing this burden, I have noth ing but praise. But I think it little short of absurd that -ve should be compelled to call men from their shops, their factories, their offices and their professions for such a pur pose. This, however, is not all. The units of the National Guard were at neace streneth. which was only about one-half the required strength. It was necessary to bring in recruits, lor tne most part raw and untrained, uniy small nercentase of the regiments recruited up to war strength will have had even a year's training in the Na tional Guard, which at the maximum means 100 hours of military drill, and, on the average, means much less. Actual Strength of Army. "Take the eastern department as an illustration. The states in this depart ment contain about 72 per cent of the entire organized militia of the coun try. I am intormed, Dy competent authority, that the quota of militia from this department, recently sum moned with the units raised to war strength, as required would amount to about 131,000 men; that in response to this call there are now en route to or on the border, about 54,000 men, and in camp in their respective states, about 28,000; and thus, after what has already been accomplished, there still remain to be supplied in recruits about 48,000 men. Men fresh from their peaceful employments and physically nnnreDared have been hurried to the border tor actual service, iney were without Drooer equipment; without necessary supplies; suitable condi tion nf transnoration were not pro vided. Men with dependent families were sent; and conditions wmcn should have been well known were discovered after the event. And yet the exigency, comparatively speaking, was not a very grave one. It involved nothing that could not readily have Kn inrmrm durinir the last three years of disturbance, and required only a modest talent for organization. That this administration while pursu ing its course in Mexico should have permitted such conditions to exist is almost incredible. Wilson a Follower. "Tn (he demand for reasonable pre- the administration has fol lowed not led. Those who demanded more adequate forces were first de scribed as 'nervous and excited.' Only about a year and a half ago we were told that the question ot prepareanes was not a pressing one; tnat tne coun trv had hern misinformed. Later, un der the pressure of other leadership, this attitude was changed. The ad ministration, it was said, had 'learned snmMhinflr.' and it made a bciateo ae- mand for an increased army. Even then the demand was not prosecuted consistently, and the pressure exerted on congress with respect to other ad ministrative measures was notaDiy absent. The president addressed con- in both arms of the service. It seems to be plain that our regular army is too small. We are too great a coun try to require of our citizens who are We need to develop the instrumen talities of conciliation. Muat Be Ready for War. "And behind this international Or- gress but little over six months ago, nresentine the plans of the War de partment, and congress was formally nrirrri to sanction these plans as 'es sential first steps.' They contemplated an increase of the standing torce oi the regular army from its then trrnirth of 5.023 officers and 102.985 enlisted men, to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,834 all told. It was said that these conditions were 'necessary to render the army adequate for its pres ent duties.' Further it was proposed that the army should be supplemented oy a iorce oi tw,uuv Qiscipuncu tui zens raised in increments of 133,000 a year, through a period or tnree years. At least so much by way ot preparation for defense' seemed to the president to be aosoiuteiy im perative now. He said We cannot do less.' But within two months this program was abandoned and the able secretary of war, who had devoted himself persistently to this important question felt so keenly the change in policy that he resigned from the cab inet Now, the army organization bill nravides for an armv on baoer of 178.- 000 men, but in fact it provides for only 105,000 enlisted men for the line of the regular army for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1917, and I am in formed that for the next fiscal year there will be an increase of only 15,- 000. The plan for the supplemental federal army completely under federal control was given up. Demands Adequate Defense. "We are told that the defects re vealed by the present mobilization ar. due to the 'system.' But it was pre cisely such plain defects that under the constant warnings ot recent years, with the whole world intent on mill tarv concerns, should have been stud ied and rectified. The administration has failed to discharge its responsibil ities. Apparently, it is now seeking to meet political exigencies by its naval program, cut it nas imposed upon the country an incompetent naval ad ministration. "We demand adeauate national de fense; adequate protection on both our western and eastern coasts. We demand thoroughness and efficiency engaged in peaceful vocations the sort ganuation, if it is to be effective, wim.li nicy mu.t k. tne co-ooeration ot the na- well insist ,;, . nrevent resort to hostilities before the appropriate agencies oi peaceful settlement have been util ized. If the peace of the world is to be maintained, it must be through the preventive power of a common purpose. Without this, it will still re main not only possible, but practica ble to disregard international obliga tions, to override the rights of states, particularly of small states, to ignore principles, to violate rules. And it is only through international co-operation giving a reasonable assurance of peace that we may hope for the limitation of armaments. It is to be expected that nations will continue to arm in defense of their respective In turrets as thev are conceived, and nnthinir will avail to diminish this burden save some practical guarantee of international order. We, in this country, can, and should, maitain our fortunate freedom from entangle ments with interests and policies which do not concern us. But there is no national isolation in the world of the twentieth century. If at the close of the present war the nations are ready to undertake practicable measures in the common interest in order to secure international justice, we cannot fail to recognize our in ternational duty. The peace of the nrM is nur interest, as wen as tne interest of others, and in developing the necessary agents tor tne preven tion of war we shall be glad to have m snnrnnriate share. And our pre paredness will have proper relation to this end as wen as iu uui .......... diate security. Industry and Trade A Fool'a Para dise. "When we contemplate industrial and commercial conditions, we see that we are living in a fool's paradise. The temporary prosperity to which r nnnnnent ooint has been created by the abnormal conauions inuunn to the war. With the end of the war there will be the new conditions de termined by a new Europe. Millions of men in the trenches will then re turn tn nrnrk. The energies of each of the now belligerent nations, highly trained, will then be turned to proauc tion. These are days of terrible dis cipline for the nations at war, but it must not be forgotten that each is developing a national solidarity, a knowledge of method, a realization of capacity hitherto unapproached. In each, the lessons of co-operation now being learned will never be forgotten. Friction and waste have been reduced to a minimum; labor and capital have a better understanding, business or ganization is more highly developed and more intelligently directed than ever before. We see in each of these nations a marvellous national effi ciency. Let it not be supposed that this efficiency will not - count when Europe once more at peace pushes its productive powers to the utmost limit. "On the other hand, in this country, with the stoppage of the manufacture of munitions, a host of men will be turned out of employment. We must meet the most severe competition in industry. We are undisciplined, de fective in organization, loosely knit, industrially unprepared. What the Democrats Really Did. "Our opoonents promised to reduce the cost of living. This they have failed to do; but they did reduce the opportunities of making a living. Let us not forget the conditions that ex isted in this country under the new tariff prior to the outbreak of the war. Production had decreased, busi ness was languishing; new enter prises were not undertaken. instead of expansion there was curtailment, and of military service to are now called. As that nur ctttizens in this metroDolls be summoned to put out fires and po lice the streets. We do not count it inconsistent with our liberties, or with our democratic ideals, to have an adequate police force. With a pop ulation ot nearly 1W,UUU,UUU we need to be surer of ourselves than to be come alarmed at the prospect of hav ing a regular army which can reason ably protect our border, and perform such other military service as may be required, in the absence of a grave emergency. I believe, further, that there should be not only a reasonable increase in the regular army, but that the first citizen reserve subject to call should be enlisted as a federal army, and trained under federal authority. What Is Really Called For. "The country demands that oui military and naval programs shall be carried out in a business-tike manner under the most competent adminis trative heads; that we shall have an up-to-date preparation; that the moneys appropriated shall be prop erly expended. We should also have careful plans for mobilizing our in dustrial resources; for promoting re search and utilizing the investigations of science. And a policy of adequate preparedness must constantly have in view the necessity of conserving our fundamental human interests; of promoting the physical well-being of our population, as well as education and training; of developing to the utmost our economic strength and in dependence. It must be based upon a profound sense of our unity, and democratic obligation. It must not mean the abandonment of other es sential government work, but that we shall have, in both, efficiency, and in neither, waste or extravagance. We should also be solicitous, by wise pre vision and conference, to remove so far as possible the causes of irritation which may in any degree threaten friendly relations. In our proposals there is, I repeat, no militarism. There is simole insistence upon com mon sense in providing reasonable measures of security and avoiding the perils of neglect. We must have the strength of self-respect; a strength which contains no threat, but assures our defense, safeguards our rights and conserves our peace. Organization of Peace. "We are deeply interested in what I may term the organization of peace. We cherish no illusions. We know that the recurrence of war is not to be prevented by pious wishes. If the conflict of national interests is not to be brought to the final test of force, there must be the development of international organization in order to provide international justice and to safeguard so far as practicable the peace of the world. "Arbitration treaties are useful within their proper sphere, but it is worse than folly to ignore the lim itations of this remedy or to regard such treaties as an tdequate means of preventing war. There should be an international tribunal to decide controversies susceptible of judicial determination, thus attording the ad vantage of judicial standards in the settlement of narticular disoutes and of the gradual growth of a body of judicial precedents. In emphasizing the desirability ot such a tribunal tor the disposition of controversies of a justiciable sort, it must not oe over looked that there are also legislative needs. We need conferences of nations to formulate international rules, to establish principles, to modify and extend international law so as to adapt it to new conditions, to remove causes of international differences. our streets were filled with the un emnolved. It was estimated that in the citv of New York over 300, were out of work. Throughout the country the jobless demanded relief The labor commissioners of many states and our municipal adminis trations devoted themselves to the problem of unemployment, while the resources of our voluntary charitable organizations were most severely taxed. What ground is there for ex pecting better conditions when the unhealthy stimulus of the war ha spent its force and our industries and workingmen are exposed to the com petition of an energized Europe' Must Have Protective Policies. "It is plain that we must have pro tective, uobuitding policies. It is idle to look for relief to the democratic party which as late as 1912 declared in its platform that it was a funda mental principle of the democratic party that the federal government, under the constitution, had no righi or power to impose or collect tariff duties except for the purpose of rev enue.' We are told in its presenl platform that there have been 'mo menous changes' in the last two years, and hence, repudiating its former atti tude, the democratic party now de clares for a 'non-partisian tariff com mission.' But have the momentous changes' incident to the European war changed the constitution of the united states: is it proposed to use a tariff commision to frame a tariff for revenue only? Is the opposing party ready to confess that for gen erations it has misread the constitu tion? Is that party now prepared to accept the protective principle? Rath er, so far as the tariff is concerned, it would appear to be without princi ple. Witness its action in connection with the sugar duties, its reaffirma tion of the doctrine of a revenue tariff, its dyestuffs proposal, and its formulation in lieu of protective duties of an 'anti-dumping' provision, the terms of which are sufficient to show its ineffective charaeterl "The republican party stands for the principle of protection. We must apply that principle fairly, without abuses in as scientific a manner as nossible: and congress should be aid ed by the investigations of an expert body. We stand for the safeguarding of our economic independence, for the development of American in dustry, for the maintenance of Ameri can standards of living. We propose that in the competitive struggle that is about to come the American work ingman shall not suffer. Not a Party of Sections. "The republican party is not a sec tional oartv. it tninxs ana pians n tionallv. Its policies are for the pro motion of the prosperity of every part of the-country, south, est, north and west. It is not simply a question of a wise adjustment of the tariff in ac cordance with sound principle, but there is also the need in other re spects for stable conditions for com mercial and industrial progress. If we are to meet effectively the condi tion which will arise after the war is over, we must put our house in order. Let It be understood that the public right is to be maintained with out fear or favor. But let us show that we can do this without impairing the essential agencies of progress. There is no forward movement, no endeavor to promote social justice, which in the last analysis does not rest upon the condition that there shall be a stable basis for honest en terprise. This subject has several im- fortant phases to which at this time can allude only briefly. Treatment of Transporation. "We should place our transporation system1 on a sure footing. We should be able wisely to adjust our regulative powers so that the fundamental ob- (CantuuMd an Paga Tame, Oaltuu Oae.) INCREASES SELF-RESPECT. No one ever received a life insur ance policy from an agent or his company without being conscious that the load of responsibility on his shoulders had been lightened. He also experienced st the time an in creased feeling of self-respect be cause he bad done what it was his duty to do. in that he had-provided for the future welfare of those who were dependent on him. It is a curious fact, but one which is undoubtedly true, that a person who has once carried life insurance seldom drops it permanently. He may allow one policy to lapse, he may sometimes change to another company, which is generally a mis take; he may become hard np and cash it in, but sooner of later he takes another policy. , THE MIDWEST LIFE - al Ltaeola. Nsaraska. N. Z. SNEU, PrassiMt, GuaranUati Cost Life laauranca. GEORGE CROCKER, Gmaral Aaaat, wily naiiaaai nsaa ouuamg, ! Trunks for the School Girl To stimulate August sales we are offering 36-inch fibre cov ered trunks built with first class 3-piy veneer lumber, mas sive hardware, sturdy locks and hinges, one deep tray divided into convenient compartments, one extra dress tray, all nicely cloth lined. . A Tk..l.l. R.li.LI. T.l ar Price $14 I v;-- I I Freling & Steinle "Oataka'a Bast MassM BuHaWa. J 1803 Farnam St I TBOfIPSa-BDDIM6CXDl UaUoKedim.' ib ) I If Saturdays During August 6 ps iris will be the closing hour Toil ii a itop which wa be liera will b appreciated by our friends both within and without tha store. The extra hotrn thus gained will be a benefit to all. T, B. A CO. Our Annual August Linen Sale Which Commences Tuesday Will Be Better Than Ever Before These reductions are made on first quality Linens of our own im portation. The oppor tunity presented is rare and will be appre ciated by hundreds of Omaha women. Turkish Towels 3Se Turkish Towels, 17. 35o Turkish Towels, 29. BOo Turkish Towels, 39. 75o Turkish Towel, 50. 11.00 TnnrJan Towels, 75. Table Cloths (Bleached) $3.76 Table Cloths, ! 15.00 Table oiotna, ; U.75 Table Cloths, : $8.76 Table Cloths, ! (10.00 fable Cloths, ! $13.00 Table Cloths, i Quest Towels Buck. sloe Quest Towels, 29. 60e Quest Towels, 39. 75o Quest Towels, 59. S2.89. $5.00. B6.00. 87.89. 18.89. Extra B00 Dosen Turkish Wash Cloths ......2 each LnrZH BECTCOB MAUT FLOOR. Napkins (Bleached) $4.80 Napkins, S3.75 a do. $6.00 Napkins, ! 14.89 a do. $7.50 Napkins, ! 16.00 a dos. $8.76 Napkins, ! 16.89 a dos. $10.00 Napkins, ! 17.50 a dos. $12.00 Napkins, $8.75 a dos.' Cluny Lace Doilies On Sale 19c Doilies, 12V.. 36c Doilies, 19. 76e Doilies, 50. Huck Towels siwt B. 8. Huck Towels. Tuesday 29 each 7Ha H. 8. Hook Towels, Tuesday 50