THE BEE: UMAma. . JESDAY, AUGUST 1, 1916.-
HUGHES OUTLINES
POLICY FOR PARTY
lepublican Nominee Clearly
States Issues Before People
and Takes His Stand.
NO DOUBT AS TO POSITION
(Caatlaacd Fran Pats On.)
nation, worthy of the American name.
Mexico.
"The dealings of the administration
with Mexico constitute a confused
chapter of blunders. We have not
helped Mexico. She lies prostrate,
impoverished, famine-stricken, over
whelmed with the woes and outrages
of internecine strife, the helpless vic
tim of a condition of anarchy which
the course of the administration only
served to promote. For ourselves, we
have witnessed the murder of our citi
zens and the destruction of their prop
erty. We 'lave made enemies, not
friends. Instead of commanding re
aped and deserving good-will by sin
cerity, firmness and consistency, we
provoked misapprehension and deep
resentment. In the light of the con
duct of the administration no one
could understand its professions. De
scrying interference, we interfered
most exasperatingly. We have not
even kept out of actual confli-t, and
the soil of Mexico is stained with the
blood of our aoldiers. We have re
sorted, to physical invasion, only to
retire without gaining the professed
object. It ia a record which cannot
be examined without i profound sense
of humiliation.
Mistake it the Very Start.
"When the-administration came
lnn nnur Hurrti was exercising au
thority as provisional president of
Mexico. He was certainly in laci ine
head of the government 01 Mexico.
UhrtW or not he should be recog-
nited was a question to be determined
in the exercise of a sound discretion,
but according to correct principles.
TK nrrairimt was entitled to be as
sured that there was at least a de
facto government; that international
nhlitiona would be performed; that
the lives and property of American
cititens would have proper protec
tion. To attempt, however, to con-,
trol the domestic concerns of Mexico
was simply intervention, not less so
because disclaimed. The height of
fnllv wai in have a vascillatmz and
ineffective intervention which could
only evoke bitterness and contempt,
which would fail to pacify thee oun
' trv and to assure peace and prosper-
' ky under a stable government. If
crimes were committed, we do not
palliate them. We make no defense
of Huerta. But the administration
had nothinar to do with the moral
character of Huerta, if, in fact, he
rrnresented the arovernment of Mex
co. We shall never worthily prose
cote our ' unselfish aims or. serve
humanity bv wrona-headednesa. So
far as the character of Huerta ia con-
rrrnrd. the hollownell Of the Dreten-
aions on this score is revealed by the
administration s subsequent patronage
of Villa (whose qualifications aa an
assassin are indisputable); whom ap
parently the administration was ready
to recognize he had achieved his end
and fulfilled, what then secmea to De
his hope.
fAtifi TJnita VaeAfd.
"The question is not as to the non
recognition of Huerta. The adminis
tration did not content itself with re
fusing to recognise Huerta, who was
recognized by Great Britain. Ger
many, France, Russia, Spain and
Japan. The administration undertook
to destrvy Huerta, to control the
Mexican politics, even to deny Huerta
the right to be a candidate for the of
fice of president at the election the
administration demanded. With what
bewilderment must the Mexicans have
regarded our assertion of their right
to manage their own affairs. In the
aummer of 1913 John Lind was dis
patched to the City of Mexico aa the
president'i 'personal spokesman and
representative' to the unrecognized
Huerta, in order to demand that the
latter eliminate himself. It waa an
unjustifiable mission, most offensive
to a sensitive people. John Lind lin
gered irritatintly. Jne administra
tion continued to direct its efforts at
the destrcution of the only govern'
- ment Mexico bad. ,
. . Vera Crux Only Pretext
' "In the spring of 1914 occurred the
capture of Vera Cruz. Men from one
of our ships had been arrested at
Tampico and had been discharged
with an apology. But our admiral de
manded a salute, whicn was refused,
Thereupon the present went to con
cress, asking ! authority to use the
armed forces of the United States.
Without waiting for the passage of
the resolution Vera Cruz was seized.
It appeared that a shipload of ammu
nition for Huerta was about to en
ter the port There waa a natural op
position ot this invasion and a battle
occurred, in which nineteen Amen
can and over 100 Mexicans were
. killed. This, of course, waa war. Our
.dead aoldiers were praised for dying
i like heroes in a war ot service. Later
we retired from Vera Cruz, vivina uu
this noble warfare. - We had not ob
tained the salute which was de
manded. We had not obtained reo-
aration for affronts. The ship with
ammunition which could not land at
: Vera Cruz had soon landed at an
- other port and its cargo was deliv'
ered to Huerta without interference.
Recently the naked truth was admit'
ted by a cabinet officer. We are now
informed that "we did not go to Vera
Cruz to force Huerta to salute the
;' flag.' We are told that we went there
, 'to show that we were in earnest in
our demand that Huerta must go.
' That is, we seized Vera Cruz to de
pose Huerta. The question of the
salute was a mere pretext.
' No Protection for Americans,
. . "Meanwhile; the administration tit
terly fail to perform ita obvious duty
to secure protection for the lives and
' property of our citizens. It is most
t unworthy to slur those who have in
vestments in Mexico in order to es
' caDe a condemnation for the non
performance of this duty. There can
. be no such escape, for we have no
debate, ana tnere can be no debate,
. as to the existence of this duty on the
part of our government Let me quote
the words of the democratic platform
of 1912: The constitutional righta of
American citizens should protect them
' on our borders, and go with them
throughout the world, and every
American citizen residing or having
property in any foreign country ii
. entitled to- and must be given the
: full protection of the United States
... government, both for himself and his
property.' The bitter hatred aroused
by the course ot the administration
multiplied outrages, while our failure
to afford protection to our citizens
evoked the scorn and contempt of
Mexicans. Consider the ignominious
incident at Tampico in connection
with the capture of Vera Cruz. In
the midst of the greatest danger
to the hundreds of Americans con
gregated at Tampico, our ships which
were m tne naroor were wunnrawn
and our citizens were saved only by
the intervention of German officers
and were taken away by British and
German ships. The official excuse of
the secretary of the navy is an extra
ordinary commentary. Our ships, it
seems, had been ordered to vera
Cruz; but, as it appeared that they
were not needed, the order was re
scinded. Then, we are told, our ad
miral was faced with this remarkable
dilemma. If he attempted to go up
the river at Tampico and take our citi
zens aboard, the word ot aggressive
action, as the secretary canea u
would have spread to the surround
ing country, and it was almost cer
tain that reprisals on American citi
zens would nave touowea, ana lives
would have been lost.' We had so in
censed the Mexicans that we could
nnt rme our own citizens at Tam
pico, save at the risk of the murder of
others. We must take vera v-ruz to
get Huerta out of office and trust to
other nations to tret our own citizens
out of peril. What a travesty of in
ternational policy I
Debauch of Anarchy Follows.
"Destroying the government of
Huerta, we left Mexico to the rav
acrti of revolution. I shall not at
tempt to narrate the sickening story of
the barbarities committed, ot tne car
nival of murder and lust. We were
then told that Mexico was entitled
to snill as much blood as she pleased
to settle her affairs. The administra
tion vacillated with respect to the
embargo on the export of arms and
munitions to Mexico. Under the res
olution of 1912, President Taft had
laid such an embargo. In August,
1913. President Wilson stated that he
deemed it his duty to see that neither
side to the struggle in Mexico should
- - t
receive any assistance iium mw aiuv
of the border, and that the export
of all arms and munitions to Mexico
would be forbidden. But in February,
1914, the embargo was lifted. In
Anril. 1914. the embargo was restored.
In Miv 1914. it waa exnlained that
the embargo did not apply to Ameri
can shipments through Mexican ports,
and ammunition for Carranza was
subsequently landed at Tampico. In
September, 1914, the embargo was
lifted on exoorts across the border
thereupon military supplies reached
both Villa and Carranza. In October,
1915, an embargo waa declared on all
exports of arms except to the adher
ents of Carranza. There was an utter
absence of consistent policy.
Between Villa and Carranza.
"For a time we bestowed friendship
on Vi la. Ultimately we recognized
Carranza, not on the ground that he
had a constitutional government, but
that it was a de facto government.
The complete failure to secure 'pro
tection to American citizens is shown
conclusively in the note of the secre
tarv of state of June 20. 1916. in which
he thus described the conditions that
have obtained during the last three
years: . , i,"
" 'For three years the Mexican re
public has been torn with civil strife
the lives of Americana and other
aliens have been sacrificed: vast prop
erties developed by American capital
and enterprise, have been destroyed
or rendered non-productive; bandits
have been permitted to roam at will
through the territory contiguous to
the united States, and to aeize with
out punishment or without effective
attempt at punshment, the property
of Americans, while the lives of citi
zens of the United States who ven
tured to remain in Mexican territory
or to return there to protect their in
terest have been taken in some
cases, barbarously taken, and the
murderers have neither been appre-
ll.fl.J HA. ll.n.llll., .A 1,.B:
It would be tedious to recount in'
stance after instance, outrage after
outrage, atrocity after atrocity, to il
lustrate tne true nature and extent ot
the widespread conditions of lawless
ness' and violence which have pre
vailed.
Massacres Fresh in Mind.
The Santa Ysabel massacre, the
raid it Colnmbus. the bloodshed at
.Catnza! are fresh in your minds. After
the Columeus raid we started a 'puni
tive expedition.' We aent a thin line
of troops hundreds Of miles into Mex
ico. between two lines of railway.
neither ot which we were allowed to
use, and which we did not feet at
liberty to seize. We were refused
permission to enter the towns.
Though thus restricted, the enterprise
-.:n i.j i . ' w ' '
waa sun rcgarucu oy inc Mexicans
as a menace. Our troops faced hos
tile forces and it is not remarkable
that our men fell at Carrizal. What
other result could be expected? We
were virtually ordered to withdraw,
and without accomplishing our pur
pose we have been withdrawing and
we are now endeavoring to safeguard
our own territory. The entire national
guard has been ordered out and many
tnousanas ot citizens have been tak
en from their peaceful employments
and hurried to the Mexican border.
The administration waa to aetze and
punish Villa for his outrage on our
soil. It has not punished any one:
we went in only to retire, and future
movements are apparently to be de
icmuncu uy a joint commission.
What We Wish for Mexico.
'The nation has no policy of atr-
gression toward Mexico. We have no
desire for any part of her territory.
We wish her to have peace, stabilitv
and prosperity. We should be ready
to aid her in binding up her wounds,
in relieving tier Irom atarvation and
distress, and in giving her in every
practicable way the benefits of our
distinterested friendship. The conduct
ot this administration has created dif
ficulties which we shall have to sur
mount We shall have to overcome
the antipathy needlessly created by
that conduct and to develop genuine
respect and confidence. We shall
have to adopt a new policy, a policy
of firmness and consistency through
which alone we can promote an en
during friendship. We demand from
Mexico the protection of the lives
and the property of our citizens and
the security of our border from depre
dations. Much will be gained if
Mexico is convinced that we content
plate no meddlesome interference
with what doea not concern us, but
that we propose to insist in a firm
and candid manner upon the perform
ance of international obligations. To
a atable government, appropriately
discharging its international duties we
should give ungrudging support. A
short period of firm, consistent and
friendly dealing wilt accomplish more
than many years of vacillation.
Maintenance of American Righta.
In this land of composite popula
tion, drawing its strength from every
race, the national security demands
that there shall be no pattering with
American rights. The greater the
danarer of divisive influences, the
greater is the necessity for the unify
ing lorce oi a just, strong ana patrio
tic position. We countenance no co
vert policies, no intrigues, no secret
schemes. We are unreservedly, de
votedly, whole-heartedly, for the
United States, i hat is the rallying
point for all Americans. That is my
position. I stand for the unflinch
ing maintenance of all American
ights on land and sea.
We have had a clear and definite
mission as a great neutral nation. It
was tor us to maintain the integrity
of international law; to vindicate our
rights as neutrals; to protect the lives
t our citizens, their property and
trade from wrongful acts. Putting
aside any question as to the highest
possibilities of moral leadership in
the maintenance and vindication of
the law of nations in connection with
the European war, at least entitled
to the safeguarding of American
rights. But this has not been aecured.
We have had brave words in a series
of notes, but despite our protests the
lives of Americans have been de
stroyed. What does it avail to use
some of the strongest words known
to diplomacy it ambassadors can re
ceive the impression that the words
are not to be taken seriously? It is
not words, but the strength and reso
lution behind the words, that count
The chief function of diplomacy is
prevention; but in this our diplomacy
failed, doubtless because of its im
paired credit and the manifest lack
of disposition to back words with ac
tion. Had this government by the
use of both informal and formal dip
lomatic opportunities left no doubt that
when we aaid strict accountability
we meant precisely what we said, and
that we should unhesitatingly vindi
cate that position, I am confident that
there would have been on destruction
of American lives by the sinking of
the Lusitania. There, we had ample
notice; in fact, published notice.
furthermore, we knew the situation
and we did not require specific notice.
Instead of whittling away our formal
statements by equivocal conversations,
we needed the straight direct ana de
cisive representations which every
diplomat and foreign office would un-
derstand. I believe that in this way
we ahould have been soared the re'
peated assaults on American uvea.
Moreover, a firm American policy
would have been strongly supported
by our people and the opportunities
for the development of bitter feeling
would have been vastly reduced.
Courage An Assurance of Peace,
"It ia a srreat mistake to aav that
resoluteness in protecting American
rights would have led to war. Katner,
in that course lay the best assurance
of peace. Weakness and indecision in
the maintenance of known rights are
always sources of grave danger; they
forfeit respect and invite serious
wrongs, which in turn create an un
controllable popular resentment. That
is not the path ot national security.
Not only have we a host ot resources
short of war by which to enforce our
just demands, but we shall never pro
mote our peace by being stronger in
words than in deeds. We should not
have found it difficult to maintain
peace, but we should have maintained
peace with honor. During this criti
cal period, the only danger of war
has lain in tne weak course oi tne ad
ministration.
"I do not out life and property on
the same footing, but the administra
tion has not only been remiss with
respect to the protection of American
lives; it haa been remiss with respect
to the protection of American prop
erty and American commerce. It has
been too much disposed to De con
tent with leisurely discussion. I can
not now understake to review the
course of events, but it is entirely
clear that we failed to use the re
sources at our command to prevent
uiiunous act on. and mat we suncrra
m consequence, we nave no ulterior
nurnoscs and the administration
should have Known now to secure tne
entire protection of every legitimate
American must unreservedly condemn
recognition of our just demands as a
neutral nation.
"We denounca all clots and conspir
acies in the interest ot any toreign
nation. Utterly intolerable is the use
of our soil for alien intrigues. Every
American must unserervedly condemn
them, and sunoort every ettort tor
their suppression. But here, also,
prompt, vigorous and adequate meas
ures on tne pan ot tne aaminiscrauon
were needed. There should have been
no hesitation; no notion that it was
wise and oolitic to delay such an
abuse of our territory demanded im
mediate and thorough-going action
As soon aa the administration had no
tice of plots and conspiracies, it was
its duty to stop them. It was not
lacking in resources. Its responsibility
for their continuance cannot be
escaped by the condemnation of
others.
Preparedness.
'We are a peace-loving people, but
we live in a world of arms. We have
no thoutrht of asaression. and we de'
sire to preserve our democratic ideals
without the wastes of strife. So de
voted are we to these ideals, so in
tent upon our normal development,
that I do not believe that there is the
slightest danger of militarism in this
country. Adeauate preparedness is
not militarism. It is the essential as
surance of security; it is a necessary
safeguard of peace.
It is apparent that we are shock
ingly unprepared. There ia no room
for controversy on this point since
the object lesson on the Mexican bor
der. All our available regular troops
(less, I believe, than 40,000), are there
nr in Vfvirrv and as these have been
deemed insufficient the entire National
Guard has been ordered out; that is,
we are summoning practically all our
movable military forces in order to
prevent bandit incursions. In view
of the warnings of the last three
years, it is inexcusable that we should
find ourselves in this plight. For our
faithful guardsmen, who with a fine
patriotism responded to this call and
are bearing this burden, I have noth
ing but praise. But I think it little
short of absurd that -ve should be
compelled to call men from their
shops, their factories, their offices
and their professions for such a pur
pose. This, however, is not all. The
units of the National Guard were at
neace streneth. which was only about
one-half the required strength. It was
necessary to bring in recruits, lor tne
most part raw and untrained, uniy
small nercentase of the regiments
recruited up to war strength will have
had even a year's training in the Na
tional Guard, which at the maximum
means 100 hours of military drill, and,
on the average, means much less.
Actual Strength of Army.
"Take the eastern department as an
illustration. The states in this depart
ment contain about 72 per cent of the
entire organized militia of the coun
try. I am intormed, Dy competent
authority, that the quota of militia
from this department, recently sum
moned with the units raised to war
strength, as required would amount
to about 131,000 men; that in response
to this call there are now en route to
or on the border, about 54,000 men,
and in camp in their respective states,
about 28,000; and thus, after what has
already been accomplished, there still
remain to be supplied in recruits about
48,000 men. Men fresh from their
peaceful employments and physically
nnnreDared have been hurried to the
border tor actual service, iney were
without Drooer equipment; without
necessary supplies; suitable condi
tion nf transnoration were not pro
vided. Men with dependent families
were sent; and conditions wmcn
should have been well known were
discovered after the event. And yet
the exigency, comparatively speaking,
was not a very grave one. It involved
nothing that could not readily have
Kn inrmrm durinir the last three
years of disturbance, and required
only a modest talent for organization.
That this administration while pursu
ing its course in Mexico should have
permitted such conditions to exist is
almost incredible.
Wilson a Follower.
"Tn (he demand for reasonable pre-
the administration has fol
lowed not led. Those who demanded
more adequate forces were first de
scribed as 'nervous and excited.' Only
about a year and a half ago we were
told that the question ot prepareanes
was not a pressing one; tnat tne coun
trv had hern misinformed. Later, un
der the pressure of other leadership,
this attitude was changed. The ad
ministration, it was said, had 'learned
snmMhinflr.' and it made a bciateo ae-
mand for an increased army. Even
then the demand was not prosecuted
consistently, and the pressure exerted
on congress with respect to other ad
ministrative measures was notaDiy
absent. The president addressed con-
in both arms of the service. It seems
to be plain that our regular army is
too small. We are too great a coun
try to require of our citizens who are
We need to develop the instrumen
talities of conciliation.
Muat Be Ready for War.
"And behind this international Or-
gress but little over six months ago,
nresentine the plans of the War de
partment, and congress was formally
nrirrri to sanction these plans as 'es
sential first steps.' They contemplated
an increase of the standing torce oi
the regular army from its then
trrnirth of 5.023 officers and 102.985
enlisted men, to a strength of 7,136
officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or
141,834 all told. It was said that
these conditions were 'necessary to
render the army adequate for its pres
ent duties.' Further it was proposed
that the army should be supplemented
oy a iorce oi tw,uuv Qiscipuncu tui
zens raised in increments of 133,000
a year, through a period or tnree
years. At least so much by way ot
preparation for defense' seemed to
the president to be aosoiuteiy im
perative now. He said We cannot do
less.' But within two months this
program was abandoned and the able
secretary of war, who had devoted
himself persistently to this important
question felt so keenly the change in
policy that he resigned from the cab
inet Now, the army organization bill
nravides for an armv on baoer of 178.-
000 men, but in fact it provides for
only 105,000 enlisted men for the line
of the regular army for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1917, and I am in
formed that for the next fiscal year
there will be an increase of only 15,-
000. The plan for the supplemental
federal army completely under federal
control was given up.
Demands Adequate Defense.
"We are told that the defects re
vealed by the present mobilization ar.
due to the 'system.' But it was pre
cisely such plain defects that under
the constant warnings ot recent years,
with the whole world intent on mill
tarv concerns, should have been stud
ied and rectified. The administration
has failed to discharge its responsibil
ities. Apparently, it is now seeking to
meet political exigencies by its naval
program, cut it nas imposed upon
the country an incompetent naval ad
ministration. "We demand adeauate national de
fense; adequate protection on both
our western and eastern coasts. We
demand thoroughness and efficiency
engaged in peaceful vocations the sort ganuation, if it is to be effective,
wim.li nicy mu.t k. tne co-ooeration ot the na-
well insist ,;, . nrevent resort to hostilities
before the appropriate agencies oi
peaceful settlement have been util
ized. If the peace of the world is
to be maintained, it must be through
the preventive power of a common
purpose. Without this, it will still re
main not only possible, but practica
ble to disregard international obliga
tions, to override the rights of states,
particularly of small states, to ignore
principles, to violate rules. And it
is only through international co-operation
giving a reasonable assurance
of peace that we may hope for the
limitation of armaments. It is to be
expected that nations will continue
to arm in defense of their respective
In turrets as thev are conceived, and
nnthinir will avail to diminish this
burden save some practical guarantee
of international order. We, in this
country, can, and should, maitain our
fortunate freedom from entangle
ments with interests and policies
which do not concern us. But there
is no national isolation in the world
of the twentieth century. If at the
close of the present war the nations
are ready to undertake practicable
measures in the common interest in
order to secure international justice,
we cannot fail to recognize our in
ternational duty. The peace of the
nrM is nur interest, as wen as tne
interest of others, and in developing
the necessary agents tor tne preven
tion of war we shall be glad to have
m snnrnnriate share. And our pre
paredness will have proper relation to
this end as wen as iu uui ..........
diate security.
Industry and Trade A Fool'a Para
dise.
"When we contemplate industrial
and commercial conditions, we see
that we are living in a fool's paradise.
The temporary prosperity to which
r nnnnnent ooint has been created
by the abnormal conauions inuunn
to the war. With the end of the war
there will be the new conditions de
termined by a new Europe. Millions
of men in the trenches will then re
turn tn nrnrk. The energies of each
of the now belligerent nations, highly
trained, will then be turned to proauc
tion. These are days of terrible dis
cipline for the nations at war, but it
must not be forgotten that each is
developing a national solidarity, a
knowledge of method, a realization of
capacity hitherto unapproached. In
each, the lessons of co-operation now
being learned will never be forgotten.
Friction and waste have been reduced
to a minimum; labor and capital have
a better understanding, business or
ganization is more highly developed
and more intelligently directed than
ever before. We see in each of these
nations a marvellous national effi
ciency. Let it not be supposed that
this efficiency will not - count when
Europe once more at peace pushes
its productive powers to the utmost
limit.
"On the other hand, in this country,
with the stoppage of the manufacture
of munitions, a host of men will be
turned out of employment. We must
meet the most severe competition in
industry. We are undisciplined, de
fective in organization, loosely knit,
industrially unprepared.
What the Democrats Really Did.
"Our opoonents promised to reduce
the cost of living. This they have
failed to do; but they did reduce the
opportunities of making a living. Let
us not forget the conditions that ex
isted in this country under the new
tariff prior to the outbreak of the
war. Production had decreased, busi
ness was languishing; new enter
prises were not undertaken. instead of
expansion there was curtailment, and
of military service to
are now called. As
that nur ctttizens in this metroDolls
be summoned to put out fires and po
lice the streets. We do not count
it inconsistent with our liberties, or
with our democratic ideals, to have
an adequate police force. With a pop
ulation ot nearly 1W,UUU,UUU we need
to be surer of ourselves than to be
come alarmed at the prospect of hav
ing a regular army which can reason
ably protect our border, and perform
such other military service as may
be required, in the absence of a grave
emergency. I believe, further, that
there should be not only a reasonable
increase in the regular army, but that
the first citizen reserve subject to call
should be enlisted as a federal army,
and trained under federal authority.
What Is Really Called For.
"The country demands that oui
military and naval programs shall be
carried out in a business-tike manner
under the most competent adminis
trative heads; that we shall have an
up-to-date preparation; that the
moneys appropriated shall be prop
erly expended. We should also have
careful plans for mobilizing our in
dustrial resources; for promoting re
search and utilizing the investigations
of science. And a policy of adequate
preparedness must constantly have
in view the necessity of conserving
our fundamental human interests; of
promoting the physical well-being of
our population, as well as education
and training; of developing to the
utmost our economic strength and in
dependence. It must be based upon
a profound sense of our unity, and
democratic obligation. It must not
mean the abandonment of other es
sential government work, but that we
shall have, in both, efficiency, and in
neither, waste or extravagance. We
should also be solicitous, by wise pre
vision and conference, to remove so
far as possible the causes of irritation
which may in any degree threaten
friendly relations. In our proposals
there is, I repeat, no militarism.
There is simole insistence upon com
mon sense in providing reasonable
measures of security and avoiding the
perils of neglect. We must have the
strength of self-respect; a strength
which contains no threat, but assures
our defense, safeguards our rights and
conserves our peace.
Organization of Peace.
"We are deeply interested in what
I may term the organization of peace.
We cherish no illusions. We know
that the recurrence of war is not to
be prevented by pious wishes. If the
conflict of national interests is not
to be brought to the final test of
force, there must be the development
of international organization in order
to provide international justice and to
safeguard so far as practicable the
peace of the world.
"Arbitration treaties are useful
within their proper sphere, but it
is worse than folly to ignore the lim
itations of this remedy or to regard
such treaties as an tdequate means
of preventing war. There should be
an international tribunal to decide
controversies susceptible of judicial
determination, thus attording the ad
vantage of judicial standards in the
settlement of narticular disoutes and
of the gradual growth of a body of
judicial precedents. In emphasizing
the desirability ot such a tribunal tor
the disposition of controversies of a
justiciable sort, it must not oe over
looked that there are also legislative
needs. We need conferences of nations
to formulate international rules, to
establish principles, to modify and
extend international law so as to
adapt it to new conditions, to remove
causes of international differences.
our streets were filled with the un
emnolved. It was estimated that in
the citv of New York over 300,
were out of work. Throughout the
country the jobless demanded relief
The labor commissioners of many
states and our municipal adminis
trations devoted themselves to the
problem of unemployment, while the
resources of our voluntary charitable
organizations were most severely
taxed. What ground is there for ex
pecting better conditions when the
unhealthy stimulus of the war ha
spent its force and our industries and
workingmen are exposed to the com
petition of an energized Europe'
Must Have Protective Policies.
"It is plain that we must have pro
tective, uobuitding policies. It is idle
to look for relief to the democratic
party which as late as 1912 declared
in its platform that it was a funda
mental principle of the democratic
party that the federal government,
under the constitution, had no righi
or power to impose or collect tariff
duties except for the purpose of rev
enue.' We are told in its presenl
platform that there have been 'mo
menous changes' in the last two years,
and hence, repudiating its former atti
tude, the democratic party now de
clares for a 'non-partisian tariff com
mission.' But have the momentous
changes' incident to the European
war changed the constitution of the
united states: is it proposed to use
a tariff commision to frame a tariff
for revenue only? Is the opposing
party ready to confess that for gen
erations it has misread the constitu
tion? Is that party now prepared to
accept the protective principle? Rath
er, so far as the tariff is concerned,
it would appear to be without princi
ple. Witness its action in connection
with the sugar duties, its reaffirma
tion of the doctrine of a revenue
tariff, its dyestuffs proposal, and its
formulation in lieu of protective
duties of an 'anti-dumping' provision,
the terms of which are sufficient to
show its ineffective charaeterl
"The republican party stands for
the principle of protection. We must
apply that principle fairly, without
abuses in as scientific a manner as
nossible: and congress should be aid
ed by the investigations of an expert
body. We stand for the safeguarding
of our economic independence, for
the development of American in
dustry, for the maintenance of Ameri
can standards of living. We propose
that in the competitive struggle that
is about to come the American work
ingman shall not suffer.
Not a Party of Sections.
"The republican party is not a sec
tional oartv. it tninxs ana pians n
tionallv. Its policies are for the pro
motion of the prosperity of every part
of the-country, south, est, north and
west. It is not simply a question of
a wise adjustment of the tariff in ac
cordance with sound principle, but
there is also the need in other re
spects for stable conditions for com
mercial and industrial progress. If
we are to meet effectively the condi
tion which will arise after the war
is over, we must put our house in
order. Let It be understood that the
public right is to be maintained with
out fear or favor. But let us show
that we can do this without impairing
the essential agencies of progress.
There is no forward movement, no
endeavor to promote social justice,
which in the last analysis does not
rest upon the condition that there
shall be a stable basis for honest en
terprise. This subject has several im-
fortant phases to which at this time
can allude only briefly.
Treatment of Transporation.
"We should place our transporation
system1 on a sure footing. We should
be able wisely to adjust our regulative
powers so that the fundamental ob-
(CantuuMd an Paga Tame, Oaltuu Oae.)
INCREASES SELF-RESPECT.
No one ever received a life insur
ance policy from an agent or his
company without being conscious
that the load of responsibility on his
shoulders had been lightened. He
also experienced st the time an in
creased feeling of self-respect be
cause he bad done what it was his
duty to do. in that he had-provided
for the future welfare of those who
were dependent on him.
It is a curious fact, but one which
is undoubtedly true, that a person
who has once carried life insurance
seldom drops it permanently. He
may allow one policy to lapse, he
may sometimes change to another
company, which is generally a mis
take; he may become hard np and
cash it in, but sooner of later he
takes another policy. ,
THE MIDWEST LIFE
- al Ltaeola. Nsaraska.
N. Z. SNEU, PrassiMt,
GuaranUati Cost Life laauranca.
GEORGE CROCKER, Gmaral Aaaat,
wily naiiaaai nsaa ouuamg,
! Trunks
for the
School Girl
To stimulate August sales we
are offering 36-inch fibre cov
ered trunks built with first
class 3-piy veneer lumber, mas
sive hardware, sturdy locks and
hinges, one deep tray divided
into convenient compartments,
one extra dress tray, all nicely
cloth lined. .
A Tk..l.l. R.li.LI. T.l
ar
Price $14 I
v;-- I
I Freling & Steinle
"Oataka'a Bast MassM BuHaWa. J
1803 Farnam St I
TBOfIPSa-BDDIM6CXDl
UaUoKedim.'
ib
) I
If
Saturdays
During August
6 ps iris
will be the closing
hour
Toil ii a itop which wa be
liera will b appreciated by
our friends both within and
without tha store. The extra
hotrn thus gained will be a
benefit to all.
T, B. A CO.
Our Annual August Linen Sale
Which Commences Tuesday
Will Be Better Than Ever Before
These reductions are
made on first quality
Linens of our own im
portation. The oppor
tunity presented is
rare and will be appre
ciated by hundreds of
Omaha women.
Turkish Towels
3Se Turkish Towels, 17.
35o Turkish Towels, 29.
BOo Turkish Towels, 39.
75o Turkish Towel, 50.
11.00 TnnrJan Towels, 75.
Table Cloths
(Bleached)
$3.76 Table Cloths, !
15.00 Table oiotna, ;
U.75 Table Cloths, :
$8.76 Table Cloths, !
(10.00 fable Cloths, !
$13.00 Table Cloths, i
Quest Towels
Buck.
sloe Quest Towels, 29.
60e Quest Towels, 39.
75o Quest Towels, 59.
S2.89.
$5.00.
B6.00.
87.89.
18.89.
Extra
B00 Dosen Turkish
Wash Cloths ......2 each
LnrZH BECTCOB MAUT FLOOR.
Napkins
(Bleached)
$4.80 Napkins, S3.75 a do.
$6.00 Napkins, ! 14.89 a do.
$7.50 Napkins, ! 16.00 a dos.
$8.76 Napkins, ! 16.89 a dos.
$10.00 Napkins, ! 17.50 a dos.
$12.00 Napkins, $8.75 a dos.'
Cluny Lace Doilies
On Sale
19c Doilies, 12V..
36c Doilies, 19.
76e Doilies, 50.
Huck Towels
siwt B. 8. Huck Towels.
Tuesday 29 each
7Ha H. 8. Hook Towels,
Tuesday 50
