THE BEE: OMAHA'. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1919.
PRESIDENT PLEADS FOR PEACE TREATY AND LEAGUE
TEXT OF SPEECH
MADE BY WILSON
AT COLUMBUS, 0.
Says His Purpose Is to Report
; to People Concerning
r Affairs of World to
t Be Settled.
Columbus, O., Sept. 4. The fol
lowing it a stenographic report of
President Wilson's address here to
day, the first of a series of 30 ad
dresses to be delivered by him in
his tour of the United States in the
interest of the oeace treaty:
V'Mr. Chairman, Governor Camp-
bell and My Fellow Citizens: (Ap
i plause.) It is with very profound
pleasure that I find myself face to
i1 face with you. I have for a lone
-. time chafed at the confinement of
Washington. I have for a long
; time wished to fulfill the purpose
; with which my heart was full when
I returned to our beloved country,
namely, to go out and report to my
fellow countrymen concerning those
. affairs of the world which need now
;: to be settled.
"The only people I owe any re
f port to are you and the other citi-
; tens of the United states, and it has
become increasingly necessary, ap
parently, that I should report to
you. After all the various angles at
which you have heard the treaty
' held up perhaps you would like to
know what is in the treaty. I find
it very difficult in reading some of
the speeches that I have read to
; form any conception of that great
document
I a Unique Document
"It is a document unique in the
v history of the world for many rea
sons and I think I cannot do you a
better service or the peace of the
world a better service than by point
ing out to you just what this treaty
contains and what it seeks to do.
, In the first place, my fellow coun
trymen, it seeks to punish one of
the greatest wrongs ever done in
history, the wrong which Germany
v sought to do to the world and to
civilisation and there ought to be
,f no weak purpose with regard to the
":. application of the punishment. She
attempted an intolerable thing and
she must be made to pay for the
attempt
"The terms of the treaty are se
vere, but they are not unjust I
can testify that the men associated
- with me at the peace conference in
Paris had it in their hearts to do
i'ustice and not wrong but they
;new perhaps with a more vivid
sense of what had happened than
we could possibly know on this
: side of the water, the many solemn
covenants which Germany had dis
regarded, the long preparation she
had made to overwhelm her neigh
bors, the utter disregard which she
.hftd shown for human rights, for
the rlffhia of women and children
afld, tho$e who were helpless.
$ Have Seen Destruction.
They had seen their lands dev
ested by an enemy that devoted
; itself, not only to the effort of vic
tory, but to the effort of terror,
:, seeking to terrify the people whom
; they fought, and I wish to testify
that they exercised restraint in the
r terms of this treaty. They did not
: wish to overwhelm any great nation
and they had no purpose in over
whelming the German people, but
they did think that it ought to be
burned into the consciousness of
men forever that no people ought
to permit its government to do
what the German government did.
"In the last analysis, my fellow
.countrymen, as we in America
would be the first to claim a people
are responsible for the acts of their
government, if their government
purposes things that are wrong,
they ought to take measures and
s.ee to it that that purpose is not
executed.
"Germany was self-governed. Her
: rulers had not concealed the pur
poses that they ' had in mind, but
they had deceived their , people as
to the character of the methods they
were going to use, and I believe
f rom what I can learn, that there is
;ao awakened consciousness in Ger
many itself of the deep iniquity of
the thing that was attempted.
' ,) Austria Admits Crime.
"When the Austrian delegates
came before the peace conference,
they, in so many words, spoke of
the origination of the war as a
crime, and admitted in our pres
ence that it was a thing intolerable
to contemplate. They knew in their
hearts that it had done them the
deepest conceivable wrong; that it
had put their people and the people
of Germany at the judgment seat of
mankind and throughout this treaty
every term that was applied to Ger
many was meant, not to humiliate
Germany, but to rectify the wrong
that she had done. And if you will
look even into the severe terms of
reparation, for there was no indem
nityno indemnity of any sort was
claimed merely reparation, merely
. paying for the destruction done,
merely making good the losses, so
far as the losses could be made good
which she had unjustly inflicted, not
Upon the governments for the rep
aration is not to go to the govern
ments but upon the people whose
rights she had trodden upon with
20 Hours Ming
brings out from
wheat and barley
that distinct rich
flavor one finds
only in the pure.
health-building food
(apeiifc
absolute absence of everything that
even resembled pity. There is no
indemnity in this treaty, but there
is reparation, and even in the terms
of reparation a method is devised
by which the reparation shall be
adjusted to Germany's ability to
pay it.
Astonished at Statements.
"I am astonished at some of the
statements I see made about this
treaty and the truth is that they are
made by persons who have not read
the treaty, or who, if they have read
it, have not comprehended its mean
in.
There is a method of adjustment
in the treaty by which the repara
tion shall not be pressed beyond the
point which Germany can pay, but
it will -be pressed to the utmost
point that it can pay which is just,
which is righteous. It would be in
tolerable if there had been anything
else, for, my fellow citizens, this
treaty is not meant merely to end
this single war. It is meant as a
notice to every government who in
the future will attempt this thing,
that mankind will unite to inflict the
same punishment.
No Glory is Sought.
"There is no national triumnh
sought to be recorded in this treaty.
There is no glory sought for any
particular nation. The thought of
the statesmen collected around that
table was of their people, of the
sufferings that they had gone
through, of the losses they had in
curred, that great throbbing heart
which was so depressed, so forlorn,
so sad in every memory that it had
had of the five traarical vears. rav
fellow countrymen. Let us never
forget the purpose, the high pur
pose, the disinterested purpose with
which America lent its strength, not
for its own glory, but for the ad
vance of mankind.
"And as I said, this treaty was
not intended merely to end this
war; it was intended to prevent any
similar war.
Did Not Forget Promises.
I wonder if some of the oppon
ents of the league of nations have
forgotten the promises we made our
people before we went to that peace
table? We had taken by processes
of law the flower of our youth from
every countryside, from every
household, and we told those
mothers and fathers and sisters and
wives and sweethearts that we were
taking those men to fight a war
which would end business of that
sort and if we do not end it, if wc
do not do the best that human con
cert of action can do to end it, we
are of all men the most unfaithful
the most unfaithful to the living
hearts who suffered in this war; the
most unfaithful to those whose
heads bowed in grief, yet lifted with
the feeling that the lad laid down
his life for great things, among
other things, in order that other
lads might not have to do the same
thing.-
"That is what the league of na
tions is for, to end this war justly,
and it is not merely to serve notice
on governments which would con
template the same things which
Germany contemplated, that they
will -do it at their peril, but aUo
concerting the combination of
power which will prove to them that
they will do it at their peril; It is
idle to say the world will combine
against you because it may not, but
it is persuasive to say the world is
combined against you and will re
main combined against any who at
tempt the same things tnat you
attempted.
League Will Save World.
"The league of nations is the only
thing that can prevent the recur
rence of this dreadful catastrophe
and redeem our promises. And the
character of the league is based
upon the experience ot this very
war.
"I did not meet a single public man
who did not admit these things, that
Germany would not have gone into
this war if it had thought Great
Britain was going into it, and that it
most certainly would never have
gone into this war if it had dreamed
America was going into it, and they
have all admitted that a notice be
forehand that the greatest powers
of the world would combine to pre
vent this sort of thing it would have
prevented it absolutely.
Unity Now Is Needed
"When gentlemen tell you, there
fore, that the league of nation is
intended for some other purpose
than this, merely reply this to them,
'If we do not do Jhis thing we have
neglected the central covenant that
we made to our people,' and there
will be no statesman of any country
who can thereafter promise his peo
ple any alleviation from the perils
of war.
"The passions of thia world are
not dead; the rivalries of this world
have not cooled; they have been
rendered hotter than ever. The har
ress that is to unite nations is more
necessary now than it ever was be
fore, and unless there is this sure
ness of combined action before
wrong is attempted, wrong will be
attempted just so soon as the most
ambitious nations can recover from
the financial stress of this war."
"Now, look, what else is in the
treaty. This treaty is unique in the
history of ' mankind because the
center of it is the redemption of
weak nations. There never was a
congress of nations before that
considered the rights of those who
could not enforce their rights.
"There never was a congress of na
tions before that did not seek to
effect some balance of power
brought about by means of serving
the strength and interest of v the
strongest powers concerned, where
as this treaty builds up nations that
never could have won their freedom
in any other way. It builds them up
by gift, by largess, not by. obliga
tion; builds them up because of the
conviction of the men who wrote
the treaty that the rights of people
transcend the rights of govern
ments, because of the conviction of
the men who wrote that treaty that
the fertile source of war is wrong;
that the Austro-Hungarian empire,
for example, was held together by
military force and consisted of peo
ples who did not want to live to
gether; who did not have the spirit
of nationality as towards each other;
who were constantly chafing at the
bonds that held them.
Hungary, though a willing partner
of Austria, was willing to be its
partner because it could share Aus
tria's strength for accomplishing its
own ambitions, and its own ambi
tions were to hold under the Jugo-
Slavic peoples that lie to the south
of it.
"Bohemia, an unhappy partner a
partner by duress, flowing in all its
veins the strongest national impulse
that was to be found anywhere in
Europe, and north of that, pitiful
Poland, a great nation divided up
among great powers of Europe;
torn asunder kinship disregarded,
natural ties treated with contempt
and an obligatory division among
sovereigns imposed upon it, a part
of it given to Russia, a part of it
given to Austria and a part of it
given to Germany and great bodies
of Polish people never permitted to
have the normal intercourse with
their kinsmen for fear that that fine
instinct of the heart should assert
itself which binds families together.
Poland could never have won its in
dependence. Bohemia never could
have broken away from the Austro-Hungarian
combination.
"The Slavic oeooles to the south
running down into the great Balkan
peninsula, had again and again tried
to assert their nationality and their
independence and had as often been
crushed, not bv the immediate
power they were fighting but by the
combined power of Europe.
Suffers Equal Rights.
"The old alliances, the old bal
ances of power were meant to see
to it that no little nation asserted its
rights to the disturbance of the
peace of Europe and every time an
assertiog of rights was attempted
they were suppressed by combined
influence and force and this treaty
tears away all that and says these
people have a right to live their own
live under the governments
which they themselves choose
to set up. That is the Amen
ican principle and I was glad to
fight for it and when strategic con
siderations were urged 1 said not 1
alone but it was a matter of com
mon counsel that strategic consider
ations were not in our thought that
we are not now arranging for future
wars but were giving people what
belonged to them.
My fellow citizens, I do not think
there is any man alive has a more
tender sympathy for the great peo
ple of Italy than I have and a very
stern duty was presented to us when
we had to consider some of the
claims of Italy on the Adriatic, be
cause, straeetically, from the point
of view of future wars, Italy needed
a military foothpld on the other side
of the Adriatic, but her people did
not live there except in little spots.
It was a Slavic people and I
had to say to my Italian friends that
everywhere else in this treaty we
have given territory to the people
who lived on it and I do not think
that it is for the advantage of Italy
and I am sure it is not for the ad
vantage of the world to give Italy
territory where other people live. I
felt the force of the argument for
what they wanted, and it was the
old argument that always prevailed,
namely, that they needed it from a
military point of view and I have no
doubt that if there is no league of
nations they will need it from a
military point of view, but if there is
a league of nations they will not need
it trom a military point of view. If
there is no league of nations the mili
tary point of view will prevail in
every instance and peace will be
brought into contempt but if a league
of nations Italy need not fear the
fact that the shores on the other
side of the Adriatic tower above her
lower sandy shores on her sides of
the sea because there will be no
threatening guns there and the na
tions of the world will have consid
ered not merely to see that the Slav
ic peoples have their rights but that
the Italian people have their rights
as well. I would rather have every
body on my side than be armed to
the teeth and every settlement that
is right, every settlement that is
based upon the principles I have al
luded to is a safe settlement because
the sympathy of mankind will be be
hind it.
Wish to Preserve Right.
"Some gentlemen have feared
with regard to the league of nations
that we will be obliged to do things
we don't want to do. If the treaty
were wrong that might be so, but if
the treaty is right we will wish to
preserve right. I think I know the
heart of this great people whom I
for the time being have the high
honor to represent better than some
other men that I hear talk.
"I have been bred, and am proud
to have been bred, in the old revo
lutionary stock which set this gov
ernment up, when America was set
up as a friend of mankind; and I
know if they do not that America
has never lost that vision or that
purpose.
"But I haven't the slightest fear
that arms will be necessary if the
purpose is there. If I know that my
adversary is armed and I am not I
do not press the controversy and if
any nation entertains selfish pur
poses set against the principles es
tablished in this treaty and is told
by the rest of the world that it must
withdraw its claims, it will not press
them.
"The heart of this treaty then, my
fellow citizens, is not even that it
punishes Germany that is a tem
porary thing it is that it rectifies
the age-long wrong which charac
terized the history of Europe.
"There were some of us who
wished that the scope of the treaty
would reach some other age-long
wrong. It was a big job and I
don't say that we wished that it
were bigger, but there were other
wrongs elsewhere than in Europe
and of the same kind, which no
doubt ought to be righted, and some
day will be righted, but which we
could not draw into the treaty be
cause we could deal only with the
countries whom the war had en
gulfed and affected. But so far as
the scope of our treaty went we rec
tified the wrongs which have been
the fertile source of war in Europe.
Have you ever reflected, my
OPINIONS
"Your tires and tubes
are the best I ever saw."
O. G. Kenyon, Topeka,
Kansas.
SPRAGUE
Tire & Rubber Co.
18th and Cuming. Tyler 3032.
countrymen, on the real source of
revolution? Men don t start revo
lutions in a sudden passion. Do
you remember what Thomas Car
lyle said about the French revolu
tion? He was speaking of the so-
called Hundred Days Terror which
reigned, not only in Paris, but
throughout France, in the days of
the French revolution: and he re
minded his readers that back of that
hundred days of terror, lay several
hundred years of agony and of
wronsr. The French people had
been deeolv and consistently wrong
ed by their government; robbed,
their human rights disregarded and
the slow agony of those hundreds of
years, and after while gathered into
a hot agony that could not be sup
pressed. Revolutions don't spring
up over night; revolutions gather
through the ages; revolutions come
from the long suppression of the
human spirit; revolutions come be
muse men know that thev have
rights and that they are disregarded.
And when we think of the future of
the world in connection with this
treatv, we must remember that one
of the chief efforts of those who
made this treaty was to remove that
anger from the heart of great peo
nies, trreat rjeooles who had always
been suppressed and always been
used, who had always been tne toois
in the hands of governments gen
erally of alien governments not
their own. And the makers oi tne
treatv knew that if these wrongs
were not removed, there could be
no peace in the world, because, alter
all, my fellow citizens, war comes
from the seed of wrong, and not
from the seed of right. This treaty
is an attempt to right the history of
Europe and in my humble judgment,
it is a measurable success.
Intermixture of Races.
"I say 'measureable,' my fellow
citizens, because you will realize
the difficulty of this. Here are two
neighboring peoples. The one peo
ple have not stopped at a sharp
line and the settlements of the
other people, or the migrations, be
gun at this sharp line; they have
intermingled. There are regions
where you can't draw a national
line and say there are Slavs on this
side and Italians on that; there
is this people there and that people
there. It can't be done. You have
to approximate the line. You have
to come to it. as near to it as you
can, and then trust to the process
of history to redistribute, it may be,
the people who are on the wrong
side of the line. And there are
many such lines drawn in this
treaty, and to be drawn in the Aus
trian treaty, and where perhaps
there are more lines of that sort
than "n the German treaty.
"When we came to draw the line
between the Polish people and the
German people, not the line between
Germany and Poland there wasn't
any Poland strictly speaking the
line between the German people and
the Polish people. There were dis
tricts like the upper part of Silesia,
or rather the eastern part of Silesia
which is called 'Upper Silesia' be
cause it is mountainous and the
other part is not. High Silesia is
chiefly Polish and when we came
to draw a line to represent Poland,
it was .necessary to include High
Silesia, if we were really going to
play fair and make Poland up of
the Polish peoples wherever we
found them in sufficiently close
neighborhood to one another.
Debide on Referendum.
"But it wasn't perfectly clear that
Upper that High Silesia wanted to
be part of Poland. At any rate
there were Germans in High Silesia
who said that it did not, and there
fore, we did there what we did in
many other places; we said 'very
well, then, we will let the people
that live there decide.' We will
have a referendum within a certain
length of time after the war, under
the supervision of an international
commission, which will have a suf
ficient armed force behind it to
preserve order and see that nobody
interferes with the election. We will
have an absolutely free vote and
High Silesia shall go either to Ger
many or to Poland as the people in
High Silesia prefer.
"And that illustrates many other
cases where we provided for a refer
endum, or a plebiscite, as they
choose to call it; and arc going to
leave it to the people themselves, as
we should have done, what govern
ment they shall live under.
"It is none of my prerogatives to
allot peoples to this government and
the other. It is nobody's right to
do that allotting, except the people
themselves, and I want to testify
that this treaty is shot through with
Union Outfitting Co.
Places Big Purchase
of Comforters on
Sale Next Saturday
Sale Price Are Less Than
Similar Qualities Sell
at Mills Today.
Comforters Are Filled With
an Extra Good Grade of
Carded Comfort Batts.
Warm, cozy comforters are
cheaper than winter sickness and
doctor bills, especially when they
can be secured for such ridicu
lously low prices as the Union
Outfitting Company announces
for Saturday.
The sale is the result of an
enormous purchase made many
months ago when materials that
go into the making of GOOD
comforters cost considerably less
than they do today.
The Comforters are well made
in a wide variety of prettily pat
terned coverings and come quilt
ed or yarn tied.
Such a sale as this merely em
phasizes the strength and the
Buying Power of the Union Out
fitting Company, located out of
the High Rent District As al
ways, you make your own terms.
the American principle of the choice
of the governed. ,
"Of course, at times it went fur
ther than we could make a prac
tical policy of, because various peo
ples were keen upon getting back
portions of their populations which
were separated from them by many
miles of territory and we couldn t
spot over with little pieces of sepa
rated states.
"I even had to remind my Ital
ian colleagues that if they were
going to claim every place where
there was a large Italian population,
we would have to cede New York
to them, because there are more
Italians in New York than in any
Italian city.
"But I believe I hope that the
Italians in New York City are as
glad to stay there as we are to have
them. I would not have you sup
pose that I am intimating that my
Italian colleagues entered any claim
for New York City.
Must Understand Treaty.
"We of all peoples in the world,
my fellow citizens, ought to he able
to understand the questions of this
treaty and without anybody explain
ing them to us; for we are made up
out of all the peoples of the world.
I dare say that in this audience
there are representatives of prac
tically all the peoples dealt with in
this treaty.
"You don't have to have me ex
plain national ambitions to you; na
tional aspirations. You have been
brought up on them; you learned of
them since you were children, and it
is those national aspirations which
we sought to realize, to give an
outlet to, in this great treaty.
But we do much more than that.
This treaty contains, among other
things, a magna charta of labor a
thing unheard of until this interest
ing year of grace. There is a whole
section of the treaty devoted to
arrangements by which the interests
of those who labor with their hands
all over the world, whether they be
men or women or children are all
of them to be safeguarded. And
next month there is to meet the first
assembly under this section of the
league and let me tell you it will
meet whether the treaty is ratified
by that time or not.
Labor Assembly to Meet.
"There is to meet an assembly
which represents the interests of
the men concerning the conditions
of their labor, concerning the char
acter of labor which women shall
engage in, the character of labor
which children shall be permitted
to engage in; the hours of labor,
and, incidentally, of course, the re
muneration of labor. The labor
shall be remunerated in proportion,
of course, to the maintenance of the
standard of living which is proper
for the man who is expected to give
his whole brain and intelligence and
energy to a particular task.
"I hear very little said about this
magna charta of labor which is
embodied in this It forecasts the
day which ought to have come long
ago, when statesmen will realize
that no nation is fortunate which is
not happy, and that no nation can
be happy whose people are not con
tented, contented in their industry,
contented in their lives and for
tunate in the circumstances of their
lives.
"If I were to state what seems to
me to be the central idea of this
treaty, it would be this: It is almost
a discovery in international conven
tions 'that nations do not consist
of their governments, but consist of
their peoples.'
"That is a rudimentary idea; it
seems to us to go without saying to
us in America, but, my fellow citi
zens, it was never the leading idea
in any other international congress
that I ever heard of; that is to say,
any international congress made up
of the representatives of govern
ment. "They were always thinking of
national policy, of national advan
tages; of the rivalries of trade, of
the advantages of territorial con
quest. "There is nothing of that in this
treaty.
"You will notice that even the
territories wnicn are raicen away
from Germany, like her colonies, are
not given to anybody. There is not
a single act of annexation in this
treaty. But territories inhabited by
people not yet able to govern them
selves, either because of economic or
other circumstances, or the stage
of their development, are put under
the care of powers who are to ac
cept as trustees, trustees respon
sible in the forum of the world, at
the bar of the league of nations, and
the terms upon which they are to
exercise their trusteeship are out
lined. They are not to use those
people by way of profit and to fight
their wars for them; they are not
to permit any form of slavery
among them or of enforced labor.
They are to see to it that there are
humane conditions of labor with re
gard not only to the women and
children, but the men, too. They
are to establish no fortifications;
they are to regulate the liquor and
the opium traffic; they are to see
to it, in other words, that the lives
of the people whose care they as
sume not sovereignty over whom
they assume, but whose care they
assume are kept clean and safe and
holy.
"There again the principle of the
treaty conies out, that the object of
the arrangement is the welfare of
the people who live there, and not
the advantages of the government.
"It goes beyond that and it seeks
to gather under the common super
vision of the league of nations, the
various instrumentalities by which
the world has been trying to check
the evils that were in some places
debasing men, like the opium traf
fic for it was a traffic in men,
women and children; like the traf
fic in other dangerous drugs; like
the traffic in arms among uncivi
lized people, who could use arms
only for their detriment; for sanita
tion: for the work of the Red Cross.
Why, those clauses, my fellow citi
zens, draw the hearts of the world
into league; draw the noble im
pulses of the world together and
make a poem of them.
I used to be told that this was
an age in which mind was monarch;
and my comment was that if that
were true, the mind was one ot
these modern nionarchs that reigns
and does not govern; but as a mat
ter of fact we were governed by a
great representative assembly, made
up of the human passions, and that
the best we could manage was that
the high and fine passions should
be in a majority, so that they could
control the face of passion, so that
they could check the things that
were Wrong, and this treaty seeks
something like that.
Passion of Justice.
"In drawing the humane endeav
ors together it makes a mirror of the
fine passions of the world of its
philanthropic passions and of its pas
sion of pity of this passion of human
sympathy of this passion of human
friendliness for there is such a pas
sion. It is the passion that has
lifted us along the slow road of civil
ization; it is the passion that has
made ordered government possible;
it is the passion that has made jus
tice and established the thing in
some happy part of the world.
"That is the treaty. Did you ever
hear of it before? Did you ever
know before what was in this
treaty? Did anybody before ever
tell vou that the treaty was intended
to do?
"I beg my fellow citizens that you
and the rest of those Americans
with whom we are happy to be as
sociated all over this broad land
will read the treaty themselves or
if they won't take time to do that
for it is a technical document that is
hard to read that they will accept
the interpratation of those who
made it and know what the inten
tions, were in the making of ft.
"I hear a great deal, my fellow
citizens, about the selfishness and
the selfish ambitions of other gov
ernments, but I would not be doing
justice to the gifted men with whom
I was associated on the other side
of the water if I did not testify that
the purposes that I have outlined
were their purposes.
"We differed as to the method
very often. We differed as to the
details, but we never had any seri
ous discussion as to the principle,
and while we all acknowledge that
the principles might perhaps in de
tails have been better, really we are
all back of those principles.
"There is a concert of mind and
of purpose and of policy in the
world that was never in existence
before. I am not saying that by
way of credit to myself or to those
colleagues to whom I have alluded,
because what happened to us was
that we got messages from our peo- ,
pies we were there under instruc
tions, whether they were written
down or not, we did not dare come
home without fulfilling those in--,
structions. ' '
"If I could not have brought back
the kind of treaty I brought back k
I never would have come back, be
cause I would have been an unfaith
ful servant and you would have had
the right to condemn me any way
(Contlnnrd oa Fag Three, Column Oh.)
Timely
Counsel
Established
1866
Sr. -lit"
There never was a
time when it was more
necessary for the average
man and investor to con
suit with his banker than
now.
v
In close touch with
the general business sit
uation, the officers of this
bank are always glad to
confer with individuals
who have perplexing busi
ness or investment prob
lems to solve.
To those whose de
mands are legitimate, our
officers are always acces
sible. There are no for
malities to go through in
approaching them.
The Omaha
National Bank
Farnam at 17th Street
Capital and Surplus,
$2,000000
TKompsoiteTcIeiv &Gx
J IttubUshcJ 1886 ,
TheThsJuon Genier Jorlixmen
The Latest Arrivals in
Men's Wear for Fall
Ties
Knitted neckwear from
Keys and Lockwood of
New York, conies in
very fine, rich colors,
and it is a recognized
fact that there is real
economy in buying a
knitted tie.
Shirts
The Manhattans for
Fall have appeared, as
well as Eagle shirts.
Sans Gene crepes in
Eagles, and madras of
all descriptions in Man
hattans, either soft or
stiff cuffs. Stripes,
plaids and silk stripes
on madras are shown in
lavender, green, blues,
tan, black and white,
and gray effects. An
interesting assortment
priced from $3 up.
Gloves
Gloves for either street
wear or driving, either
lined or unlined, in
glace, Mocha, buckskin,
silk or fabric. Authen
tic styles from depend
able manufacturers.
To the Left As You Enter
in
Colored Silk
Umbrellas
Unique handles with
rings or loops of silk for
the arm, make the new
Fall umbrella an acqui
sition instead of a nui
sance. In the silk covers the
suit shades are well rep
resented navy blue,
king's blue, royal blue,
bottle green, emerald
green, nigger brown,
royal purple, taupe and
b 1 a c k, as well as
changeable silks. Prices
are reasonable.
To the Left A You Enter
Scalloped
Lunch Cloths
Plain scalloped cloths made
from pure round thread Irish
linen. The scalloping will not
ravel or pull out when laun
dered; it is lockstitched with
a buttonhole edge. They
have been specially priced
for Friday.
54 lunch cloths, 86-inch,
are priced for Friday, $2.89.
55 lunch cloths, 45-inch, are
priced, $3.89.
Linen Section
Store Hours
are now 9 A. M. to
6 P. M. Daily
The Winners
Of the first three bi
cycle races at Fonte-i
nelle Park last Satur
day rode
Harley-Davidson
Bicycles
Ride a Winner
HARLEY-DAVIDSON BI
CYCLES are winners just like
their big brother, the fa
mous HARLEY-DAVIDSON
MOTORCYCLE.
VICTOR H. ROOS
"THE CYCLE MAN"
HARLEY-DAVIDSON BICYCLES and MOTORCYCLES
2701-03-05 Leavenworth Street, Omaha, Neb.
The "Motorcyke"
ThisStrong Fibre CoveredTrunk
. ... . . . ,.
-jL , jl. ULiNLE
Built for Service, With Good Heavy Corners,
Locks and Hinges.
Two trays nicely lined, f AO
36 inches long V.WU
FUELING (Sl STEINLE
BAGGAGE BUILDERS
1803 FARNAM STREET -:- OMAHA
1
