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About The daily Nebraskan. ([Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-current | View Entire Issue (Oct. 12, 1972)
i 1 A i' it "J ! ' 'i 1 1 ' ' -II "f 1 The other POWs In all discussions of the plight of Prisoners of War one of the most important POWs has been omitted. That prisoner is the Vietnam veteran. Returning from fighting a war he probably didn't want to fight in a place he didn't want to go, the veteran is instantly faced with problems he, along with Middle America, imagined impossible. Take, for instance, the rising number of veterans who come home addicted to hard drugs. Trapped with an insatiable habit in an America that has become extremely inhospitable to addicts, it is understandable, and ironic, that many veterans become desperate and turn from defending their country to destroying it with theft and mayhem. Forced into crime, they languish in gutters of despair. Uncle Sam has made only token efforts to improve the situation. Pushing forth a few counselors as a solution, the government has done little which will have a lasting effect. A sprinkling of Veterans Administration clinics which use methodone and psychological therapy are the best the government has done to help troubled veterans. But these efforts are often ineffective because they are little-publicized and have an aura of government inaccessibility, especially to those with dishonorable discharges. Only 11,000 of an estimated 75,000 ex-GI addicts were treated in 1971. Government concern in this area is sadly lacking. In education, the administration is doing slightly better. Under the G.I. Bill and supplementary legislation, veterans can receive a college or university education at reduced cost. But what of those who do not wish to continue their education. What can the G.I. returning from Vietnam expect to find? Unemployment. So far this year, the unemployment rate for veterans has been consistently between 7 and 8.5 per cent, compared to a 5 to 6 per cent national average. And there is no guarantee that a veteran graduating from college will be able to find a job as the jobless rate for college graduates plainly shows. Why the problem? Veterans cite many reasons. Some talk of lack of cooperation between the government and job programs. Often they return to find their former jobs unexpectedly filled. Few veterans have job skills, making it much harder for them to find work. And the youth of some veterans works against them-less than half of the Vietnam-era vets had full-time jobs before serving in the armed forces. Most atrocious of all discriminations the veteran faces is a nameless, faceless one. There are shapeless, blind fears in the back of potential employers' minds-fear of drug addiction, fear of militarism, fear of death, fear of war. These tragic attitudes make the vets who were the victims of war become victims of peace as well. Formerly pawns of war, now they are pushed around by thoughtless fears. With the number of Vietnam-era veterans increasing weekly, the situation can only get worse, unless the administration makes some meaningful effort to ease the vet's problems. If it doesn't soon, it just might be better for troops to stay over there forever. Marching home just ain't what it used to be. New blood The race for the Unicameral in the 27th Legislative District in Lincoln should prove to be an exceedingly interesting and probably close race Incumbent State Sen. William Swanson is suddenly beginning to feel the approach of newcomer Steve Fowler, former ASUN president. And not without reason. Fowler has thus far led an enterprising and energetic campaign. A quick look at the stands the two candidates have taken, presented on page seven of today's paper reveals several things. It is obvious from the records and philosophies of the two that they are both unusually qualified and have taken strong stands on key issues. It should be noted, however, that Fowler's stand against business and tarm property tax exemptions puts him a bit ahead of Swanson. It is definitely not the time for the Legislature to give in to the interests of big business at the expense of the poor. Experience is fine, but it may be time some new blood ran into the 27th District.. Jim Gray AsH A Friend Who Has .An Interesting Face To Rse. Improvise! Begin drawing" circles. Then study all details carefully. Draw them. Finished Ibrtf&H: That Has CLASS! jvinl ft. Clockwork' society parallels America today "Oh my brothers," Alex smiles as he and his droogies brutally beat the drunken old man. "There's no more law and order these days. It's just the young against the old," protests the old man as he is kicked painfully to the ground. "Freedom of choice," cries the prison minister. "Goodness is chosen, it comes from within. If man does not choose, he is not a man." "Wo are not cona -ed with motives," claims the minister of interior. "Violence makes violence," blurbs the cop. With a half-grin, he shoves his fist into Alex's battered face. "I know the law, you bastards," Alex smirks. The cops just stare. "Knowing the law isn't anything," they reply. So goes Clockwork Orange. For all its slick packaging and highly commercial appeal, Clockwork is more than just another slice of ultra-violence. In its own way, it frames a solitary, important question, one demanding more consideration than most people realize. n the not-so-unreal world of the michele coyle not-so-distant future, Kubrick's film reveals a society deluged with violence of all kinds-physical, personal and psychological. The government attempts to deal with this violence by retaliating in force, and by treating the symptoms of violence rather than their causes. One of its weapons in this never-ending battle is the use of social conditioning. The implications of government determined conditioning are merely hinted at. However, aside from intimations of 1984, the government's apparent willingness to condition and subordinate the individual, rather than change the social environment which shaped that person, makes a profound impression. In the real world of 1972, one glance at newspaper headlines reveals political scandals of all kinds. The general public reaction to these incidents is one of detached reserve, at best. The first to rally behind the old stand-by of "law and order" when it came to prosecuting anti-war protestors, now are looking silently on as privacy and fair business standards are violated openly. "Knowing the law" isn't of much value if those who enforce it are the first to overlook it. For years the U.S. has been considered by many to be a highly aggressive nation. American cities generally have followed a tradition of violence and this does not appear likely to change in the future. Amidst talk of the need for more order, control and legal enforcement; poverty, crime and social disruption rates are rising. In contrast a mood of withdrawal seems to prevail. Concern with pressing social problems seems to be waning. Order, or at least a semblance of it (regardless of the justice involved) appears to be the most common desire. But a glossing over or failure to recognize the increasing apathy or alienation of a large element of our society, and what underlies this condition, is an invitation to future conflict between those doing the ignoring and those being ignored. The groundwork is being laid for a clockwork society in which force is met with force, and the real issues of poverty, crime and social disruption are met with anger, force or reconditioning, if they are given any priority in the first place. The relative quiet of the American public may be misleading; their assumed apathy may be all too real. All is not "righty-right, oh my brothers and sisters," with the , national intfirnt, S daily nebraskan thursday, October 12, 1972 page 4