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The other POWs
In all discussions of the plight of Prisoners
of War one of the most important POWs has
been omitted. That prisoner is the Vietnam
veteran.
Returning from fighting a war he probably
didn't want to fight in a place he didn't want
to go, the veteran is instantly faced with
problems he, along with Middle America,
imagined impossible.
Take, for instance, the rising number of
veterans who come home addicted to hard
drugs. Trapped with an insatiable habit in an
America that has become extremely
inhospitable to addicts, it is understandable,
and ironic, that many veterans become
desperate and turn from defending their
country to destroying it with theft and
mayhem. Forced into crime, they languish in
gutters of despair.
Uncle Sam has made only token efforts to
improve the situation. Pushing forth a few
counselors as a solution, the government has
done little which will have a lasting effect.
A sprinkling of Veterans Administration
clinics which use methodone and
psychological therapy are the best the
government has done to help troubled
veterans. But these efforts are often
ineffective because they are little-publicized
and have an aura of government
inaccessibility, especially to those with
dishonorable discharges. Only 11,000 of an
estimated 75,000 ex-GI addicts were treated
in 1971. Government concern in this area is
sadly lacking.
In education, the administration is doing
slightly better. Under the G.I. Bill and
supplementary legislation, veterans can
receive a college or university education at
reduced cost.
But what of those who do not wish to
continue their education. What can the G.I.
returning from Vietnam expect to find?
Unemployment.
So far this year, the unemployment rate for
veterans has been consistently between 7 and
8.5 per cent, compared to a 5 to 6 per cent
national average. And there is no guarantee
that a veteran graduating from college will be
able to find a job as the jobless rate for
college graduates plainly shows.
Why the problem? Veterans cite many
reasons. Some talk of lack of cooperation
between the government and job programs.
Often they return to find their former jobs
unexpectedly filled. Few veterans have job
skills, making it much harder for them to find
work. And the youth of some veterans works
against them-less than half of the
Vietnam-era vets had full-time jobs before
serving in the armed forces.
Most atrocious of all discriminations the
veteran faces is a nameless, faceless one. There
are shapeless, blind fears in the back of
potential employers' minds-fear of drug
addiction, fear of militarism, fear of death,
fear of war. These tragic attitudes make the
vets who were the victims of war become
victims of peace as well. Formerly pawns of
war, now they are pushed around by
thoughtless fears.
With the number of Vietnam-era veterans
increasing weekly, the situation can only get
worse, unless the administration makes some
meaningful effort to ease the vet's problems.
If it doesn't soon, it just might be better
for troops to stay over there forever.
Marching home just ain't what it used to be.
New blood
The race for the Unicameral in the 27th
Legislative District in Lincoln should prove to
be an exceedingly interesting and probably
close race
Incumbent State Sen. William Swanson is
suddenly beginning to feel the approach of
newcomer Steve Fowler, former ASUN
president. And not without reason. Fowler
has thus far led an enterprising and energetic
campaign.
A quick look at the stands the two
candidates have taken, presented on page
seven of today's paper reveals several things.
It is obvious from the records and
philosophies of the two that they are both
unusually qualified and have taken strong
stands on key issues.
It should be noted, however, that Fowler's
stand against business and tarm property tax
exemptions puts him a bit ahead of Swanson.
It is definitely not the time for the Legislature
to give in to the interests of big business at
the expense of the poor.
Experience is fine, but it may be time some
new blood ran into the 27th District..
Jim Gray
AsH A Friend Who Has .An
Interesting Face To Rse.
Improvise!
Begin drawing" circles.
Then study all details
carefully. Draw them.
Finished Ibrtf&H: That
Has CLASS! jvinl
ft.
Clockwork' society parallels America today
"Oh my brothers," Alex smiles as
he and his droogies brutally beat the
drunken old man.
"There's no more law and order
these days. It's just the young against
the old," protests the old man as he is
kicked painfully to the ground.
"Freedom of choice," cries the
prison minister. "Goodness is chosen,
it comes from within. If man does not
choose, he is not a man."
"Wo are not cona -ed with
motives," claims the minister of
interior.
"Violence makes violence," blurbs
the cop. With a half-grin, he shoves his
fist into Alex's battered face.
"I know the law, you bastards,"
Alex smirks. The cops just stare.
"Knowing the law isn't anything,"
they reply.
So goes Clockwork Orange. For all
its slick packaging and highly
commercial appeal, Clockwork is more
than just another slice of
ultra-violence. In its own way, it
frames a solitary, important question,
one demanding more consideration
than most people realize.
n the not-so-unreal world of the
michele
coyle
not-so-distant future, Kubrick's film
reveals a society deluged with violence
of all kinds-physical, personal and
psychological. The government
attempts to deal with this violence by
retaliating in force, and by treating the
symptoms of violence rather than their
causes.
One of its weapons in this
never-ending battle is the use of social
conditioning. The implications of
government determined conditioning
are merely hinted at. However, aside
from intimations of 1984, the
government's apparent willingness to
condition and subordinate the
individual, rather than change the
social environment which shaped that
person, makes a profound impression.
In the real world of 1972, one
glance at newspaper headlines reveals
political scandals of all kinds. The
general public reaction to these
incidents is one of detached reserve, at
best. The first to rally behind the old
stand-by of "law and order" when it
came to prosecuting anti-war
protestors, now are looking silently on
as privacy and fair business standards
are violated openly. "Knowing the
law" isn't of much value if those who
enforce it are the first to overlook it.
For years the U.S. has been
considered by many to be a highly
aggressive nation. American cities
generally have followed a tradition of
violence and this does not appear
likely to change in the future. Amidst
talk of the need for more order,
control and legal enforcement;
poverty, crime and social disruption
rates are rising. In contrast a mood of
withdrawal seems to prevail.
Concern with pressing social
problems seems to be waning. Order,
or at least a semblance of it (regardless
of the justice involved) appears to be
the most common desire. But a
glossing over or failure to recognize
the increasing apathy or alienation of a
large element of our society, and what
underlies this condition, is an
invitation to future conflict between
those doing the ignoring and those
being ignored.
The groundwork is being laid for a
clockwork society in which force is
met with force, and the real issues of
poverty, crime and social disruption
are met with anger, force or
reconditioning, if they are given any
priority in the first place. The relative
quiet of the American public may be
misleading; their assumed apathy may
be all too real. All is not "righty-right,
oh my brothers and sisters," with the
, national intfirnt, S
daily nebraskan
thursday, October 12, 1972
page 4
