Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 13, 1900)
'Cbc Conservative. war on us. Oar soldiers had to fight for their lives. The treaty was ratified ou February 7 , 1899. Mr. Bryau advised his friends in the senate to vote to ratify the treaty after the battle of February 5 had boon fought. He knew that war had begun. He might readily have foreseen what complications might possibly ocour out of the existing condi tions. Then was the time to have talked about the 'consent of the gov erned , ' and not now , when every speech he makes adds ten names to the roll of our dead , and 100 to the Filipino dead. "I do not accuse Mr. Bryan of favor ing the adoption of the treaty of Paris for the sake of securing a political advantage , but if he really believed the treaty was bad because it conveyed to us the title to the Philippines , surely the plainer and more honorable course would have been to oppose its ratifica tion. "What he says as to his reasons for his conduct is : 'I thought it safer to trust the American people to give inde pendence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. ' He does not wait long to show the cloven foot. His explanation follows : 'I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. ' Imperialism. "Here , then , we have the real reason for this strange parody of Jekyll and Hyde. He wanted to create the bogy of 'imperialism * in order that he might fight and overcome the monster ! He favors 'the right kind of expansion , ' but he does not favor the acquisition of the Philippines. Why , in the name of common honesty , did he not say so when the senate was discussing the ratification ? Then was the time for him to speak. Let it be remembered that this extraordinary dread of 'impe rialistic rule * comes from a gentleman who has accepted the nomination of the fusion populist or people's party. It is presumed that he is bound in honor to carry out the principles of each one of the three parties of which he is the nominee. The populist platform de mands that 'the country should own and operate the railroads in the interest of the people. ' Is that not imperialism ? M'Kliiloy'8 Fair Policy. "In the course of President McKinley toward the Philippines not an act can be found which indicates that he has ever intended to treat them otherwise than to secure for them the greatest measure of liberty until congress should decide what their status was to be as the treaty provides it shall do. He has no more right to give up the territory , which had been bought at the instance and request' Mr. Bryan , than Bryan has at this moment. The land is red now with the blood of Lawtou , Egbert , Stotsenberg , Logan and many of their comrades. It has become sacred soil as it is with patriotic people let some one indicate what the president has done that he ought not to have done , or what he has failed to do that he ought to have done. Warning to I'utrlots. "It is believed by the insurgents that Bryan's election will insure their inde pendence and they are encouraged to hold out. The success of the demo cratic party means success for them. Will not a flame of patriotism rise up over the laud which will testify that at all hazards we will stand by the flag ? That come what may wo will not turn our backs on the Philippines , a disgraced and dishonored nation ? What we may do with the Philippines ultimately is not the question now. If a man believes that they should bo independent , this is not the time to urge that solution. As well might the dissolution of the ties between India and England have boon advanced as a remedy when the mas sacre of Oawnpore took place ; as well might our troops have been withdrawn from China while our minister was imprisoned. Disguise it as you may , the real question before the people is whether the armies of the United States should be withdrawn at once , now and forever , and the islands turned over to the Tagalos. Mr. Bryau would , as couimauder-in- , have the power to recall the armies , and if he did he would let loose the horrors of a terrible revo lution. Government , Not Independence. "We should not grant the Philippines immediate independence , because we have assumed by the treaty obligations to the world which 'we must comply with. We have also assumed obliga tions to the friendly Filipinos , and we should not abandon them to a dreadful fate. We have promised these people a stable government , and we ought to give it to them. We have property interests in the islands which should be protected. It is desirable for us to have a foothold in the East , so as to foster and increase our commerce. Wo be lieve that association with us will elevate the Filipino and improve his condition. We should not promise independence to the Philippines , because such a promise would nullify every effort we might make for the establishment of a government. The Filipino would demand independence tomorrow , or the next day , and possibly another bloody revolution would ensue. "I am not defending the republican party in this article , but I am defending William McKinley. He has been sub jected to more abuse than any president ever was , and he has deserved it as little as any one over did. In the most difficult period of our history he has proved himself equal to all the demands upon him. Ho has acted with an eye single to the good of the country. The war with Spain was not of the presi dent's seeking , but he met the issno with exalted courage. In diplomacy ho dis played qualities of the highest order , and in military affairs he was remark ably successful. He eminently deserves re-election. " NEBRASKA'S TKUST LAW. Section 1. If two or more persons go into business together , it is a trust. Section 2. If any man thinks of forming a trust , or tells any other man how it may be done , ho shall bo fined iu the neighborhood of five thousand del lars. Section 3. Any Nebraska corporation entering into a trust shall thereby cease to exist , and its assets shall revert to the' attorney-general. Section 4. If any foreign corporation enters the state , the attorney-general shall see that it doss no business ; and he shall present his bill to said corpora tion and the courts shall allow it. Section 5. So long as the attorney- general's bill is allowed , ho may not bo required to know the name of the trast nor any particulars in regard to it. Section 6. It shall also bo unnecessary for him-to * that such prove any agree ment has been entered into by the de fendants. Section 7. Any person may bring charges against any other under this statute , and the attorney-general shall thereupon present his bill to the defend ant and it shall be allowed. Section 8. If the attorney-general agrees to any other arrangement , such agreement shall bo absolutely void and not enforceable either in law or equity. Section 9. If any thing has been said offensive to any laboring man who has a vote , it is hereby retracted ; and labor ing men are expressly empowered to do everything that is forbidden by this statute. Section 10. No ouo need pay for any thing he buys from a trust. Section 11. If any man loses a job with a trust , or fails to secure any job or to make any profit that ho had expected from a trust , he shall recover damages and enough to pay his lawyer besides. Section 13. Trusts and all their em ployees must attend court , and no one who tells what he knows about trusts shall be liable to punishment , unless he deceives the attorney-general. Section IS. Firms are persons. Section 14. This supersedes all former attempts. > '