'Cbc Conservative.
war on us. Oar soldiers had to fight for
their lives. The treaty was ratified ou
February 7 , 1899. Mr. Bryau advised
his friends in the senate to vote to ratify
the treaty after the battle of February
5 had boon fought. He knew that war
had begun. He might readily have
foreseen what complications might
possibly ocour out of the existing condi
tions. Then was the time to have
talked about the 'consent of the gov
erned , ' and not now , when every speech
he makes adds ten names to the roll of
our dead , and 100 to the Filipino dead.
"I do not accuse Mr. Bryan of favor
ing the adoption of the treaty of Paris
for the sake of securing a political
advantage , but if he really believed the
treaty was bad because it conveyed to
us the title to the Philippines , surely
the plainer and more honorable course
would have been to oppose its ratifica
tion.
"What he says as to his reasons for
his conduct is : 'I thought it safer to
trust the American people to give inde
pendence to the Filipinos than to trust
the accomplishment of that purpose to
diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. '
He does not wait long to show the
cloven foot. His explanation follows :
'I believe that we are now in a better
position to wage a successful contest
against imperialism than we would have
been had the treaty been rejected. '
Imperialism.
"Here , then , we have the real reason
for this strange parody of Jekyll and
Hyde. He wanted to create the bogy of
'imperialism * in order that he might
fight and overcome the monster ! He
favors 'the right kind of expansion , '
but he does not favor the acquisition of
the Philippines. Why , in the name of
common honesty , did he not say so
when the senate was discussing the
ratification ? Then was the time for
him to speak. Let it be remembered
that this extraordinary dread of 'impe
rialistic rule * comes from a gentleman
who has accepted the nomination of the
fusion populist or people's party. It is
presumed that he is bound in honor to
carry out the principles of each one of
the three parties of which he is the
nominee. The populist platform de
mands that 'the country should own and
operate the railroads in the interest of
the people. ' Is that not imperialism ?
M'Kliiloy'8 Fair Policy.
"In the course of President McKinley
toward the Philippines not an act can be
found which indicates that he has ever
intended to treat them otherwise than to
secure for them the greatest measure of
liberty until congress should decide
what their status was to be as the
treaty provides it shall do. He has no
more right to give up the territory ,
which had been bought at the instance
and request' Mr. Bryan , than Bryan
has at this moment. The land is red
now with the blood of Lawtou , Egbert ,
Stotsenberg , Logan and many of their
comrades. It has become sacred soil as
it is with patriotic people let some one
indicate what the president has done
that he ought not to have done , or what
he has failed to do that he ought to
have done.
Warning to I'utrlots.
"It is believed by the insurgents that
Bryan's election will insure their inde
pendence and they are encouraged to
hold out. The success of the demo
cratic party means success for them.
Will not a flame of patriotism rise up
over the laud which will testify that at
all hazards we will stand by the flag ?
That come what may wo will not turn
our backs on the Philippines , a disgraced
and dishonored nation ? What we may
do with the Philippines ultimately is
not the question now. If a man believes
that they should bo independent , this is
not the time to urge that solution. As
well might the dissolution of the ties
between India and England have boon
advanced as a remedy when the mas
sacre of Oawnpore took place ; as well
might our troops have been withdrawn
from China while our minister was
imprisoned. Disguise it as you may ,
the real question before the people is
whether the armies of the United States
should be withdrawn at once , now and
forever , and the islands turned over to
the Tagalos. Mr. Bryau would , as
couimauder-in- , have the power to
recall the armies , and if he did he would
let loose the horrors of a terrible revo
lution.
Government , Not Independence.
"We should not grant the Philippines
immediate independence , because we
have assumed by the treaty obligations
to the world which 'we must comply
with. We have also assumed obliga
tions to the friendly Filipinos , and we
should not abandon them to a dreadful
fate. We have promised these people
a stable government , and we ought to
give it to them. We have property
interests in the islands which should be
protected. It is desirable for us to have
a foothold in the East , so as to foster
and increase our commerce. Wo be
lieve that association with us will
elevate the Filipino and improve his
condition. We should not promise
independence to the Philippines , because
such a promise would nullify every effort
we might make for the establishment of
a government. The Filipino would
demand independence tomorrow , or the
next day , and possibly another bloody
revolution would ensue.
"I am not defending the republican
party in this article , but I am defending
William McKinley. He has been sub
jected to more abuse than any president
ever was , and he has deserved it as
little as any one over did. In the most
difficult period of our history he has
proved himself equal to all the demands
upon him. Ho has acted with an eye
single to the good of the country. The
war with Spain was not of the presi
dent's seeking , but he met the issno with
exalted courage. In diplomacy ho dis
played qualities of the highest order ,
and in military affairs he was remark
ably successful. He eminently deserves
re-election. "
NEBRASKA'S TKUST LAW.
Section 1. If two or more persons go
into business together , it is a trust.
Section 2. If any man thinks of
forming a trust , or tells any other man
how it may be done , ho shall bo fined iu
the neighborhood of five thousand del
lars.
Section 3. Any Nebraska corporation
entering into a trust shall thereby cease
to exist , and its assets shall revert to the'
attorney-general.
Section 4. If any foreign corporation
enters the state , the attorney-general
shall see that it doss no business ; and
he shall present his bill to said corpora
tion and the courts shall allow it.
Section 5. So long as the attorney-
general's bill is allowed , ho may not bo
required to know the name of the trast
nor any particulars in regard to it.
Section 6. It shall also bo unnecessary
for him-to * that such
prove any agree
ment has been entered into by the de
fendants.
Section 7. Any person may bring
charges against any other under this
statute , and the attorney-general shall
thereupon present his bill to the defend
ant and it shall be allowed.
Section 8. If the attorney-general
agrees to any other arrangement , such
agreement shall bo absolutely void and
not enforceable either in law or equity.
Section 9. If any thing has been said
offensive to any laboring man who has a
vote , it is hereby retracted ; and labor
ing men are expressly empowered to do
everything that is forbidden by this
statute.
Section 10. No ouo need pay for any
thing he buys from a trust.
Section 11. If any man loses a job
with a trust , or fails to secure any job or
to make any profit that ho had expected
from a trust , he shall recover damages
and enough to pay his lawyer besides.
Section 13. Trusts and all their em
ployees must attend court , and no one
who tells what he knows about trusts
shall be liable to punishment , unless he
deceives the attorney-general.
Section IS. Firms are persons.
Section 14. This supersedes all former
attempts. > '
