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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 6, 1900)
8 Conservative. lUtVAN IS DANGKKOUS. Several prominent opponents of Mr. Bryan's election have recently expressed their confidence in his honesty. As his personal honesty in private affairs is assumed , they evidently mean his polit ical honesty. This is a fit subject for discussion , if discussed in a proper ppirit and with the view to discover the fact and the effect of political honesty. It must bo berne in mind that it is quite possible for a man to bo radically mis taken , palpably and obviously wrong in his opinions , and yet entertain them honestly that is , sincerely. In that case , wo have a clear right to ask about his intelligence and even the quality of his intellect , the more so as earnestness is sometimes an additional clement of danger. Honesty in public life requires recti tude and courage of a higher order than tlie personal morality or the fear that would restrain a man from slandering his neighbor , or swearing falsely , or stealing a horse , or keeping a lost bill or coin , instead of returning it to the owner. There is no punnishment for political dishonesty except when it is so flagrant , so offensive , or eo ridiculous tlfat it defeats its aim by defeating the candidate who resorts to it. If If oncht , Then Blind. If we concede Mr. Bryan's honesty in politics , then his mental vision is singu larly oblique , or hazy almost to blindness. Four years ago ho discussed nothing but 10 to 1. In all the intermediate time he has , both in writing and in speech , dis tinctly adhered to it. Ho arrogantly required the convention which nomi nated him to repeat it by reaffirming the Chicago platform , which distinctly made it the dominating issue. For that he was called firm , outspoken and cour ageous. Only in obedience to what was virtually his command , 1C to 1 was car ried in committee by a petty majority , coming from a territory and from islands in the Pacific that can cast no vote either for or against Mr. Bryan or IGtol. His conduct in that instance was moro like wilfulucss and imperiousness - ness of personal temper , the foundation of all political imperialism. It sprang from a personal quality , the temper of personal domination , that is out of place in a democracy. A far higher moral courage would have kept him quiet , and then , if the convention had refused to repeat 10 to 1 as a cardinal doctrine , he would have declined the nomination. Instead of that , he dictated the reten tion of the whole of the Chicago plat form , embracing 16 to 1 , but consented that the "paramount issue" of 1890 might bo sent to the rear , and that "im perialism" bo placed in the front as the paramount issue of 1000. This , in spite of the fact that he had expressly de clared that the American people would never consent that any other question should displace or supersede the money question until that was Bottled , and set- tied as ho wishes it to bo settled. The relative position assigned to the two "planks" would be perfectly honest , if it was an actual expression of his belief of their relative importance. Favored the Treaty. Who believes that such is his estimate ? Mr. Bryan advised and advocated the ratification of the Spanish treaty , by which the Philippine islands were ceded to the United States. The difference between the alleged imperialism of Mo- Kiuley and the perpetual protectorate of Bryan is much to the disadvantage of Mr. ' "Solution. " Bryan's Simple polit ical sovereignty would bo both safer and cheaper , while the protectorate would cause more danger offoreign complica tions. If imperialism deserved to be made the dominant issue , then why have we not a distinct statement in the platform of what should bo done and what would bo done if Mr. Bryan were elected ? What kind of government will be estab lished in the Philippine islands ? How and by whom ? Would the military force be instantly withdrawn ? If not , why not ? What shall it remain there for ? If Mr. Bryan should leave a regi ment or a single company there , he would b9 " . " an "imperialist- A later deliverance by Mr. Bryan was in his speech of acceptance at Indiana polis : "If elected I shall convene con gress in extraordinary session as soon as I am inaugurated , and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose , first , to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine islands , just as we are now establishing a stable form of government in the island of Cuba ; second , to give independence to the Filipinos , just as we have promised to give independence to the Cubans ; third , to protect the Filipinos from out side interference while they work out their destiny , just as wo have protected the republics of Central and South America , and are , by the Monroe doctrine , pledged to protect Cuba. " Some Pertinent Questions. This is the latest exposition ; what the next will be no uninspired prophet can tell. "To establish a stable form of government. " That is , a government to be "established" by the United States. With or without the ' 'consent of the governed ? " Next , it must be "stable" . Evidently we are to judge of its stability. How long are we to wait to discover whether it be stable or un stable ? "Second , to give independence to the Filipinos. " To give them inde pendence when ? Just when we think the government has proved to be stable. "Third , to protect the Filipinos from outside interference. " Here is the proclamation of a protectorate. How long ? "While they work out their des tiny. ' ' Destiny involves unlimited time. The whole scheme involves this possible result ; Mr. Bryan advised the ratifica tion of the treaty with Spain , which required the payment of $20,000,000 to Spain. Some day a stable government , as we may think , has been established , and then we grant the Filipinos their independence. While our protectorate would bind us to protect them against foreign interference , either with their government or with their sovereignty , it could not bind or allow us to interfere with their independence in working out their own destiny. Therefore , they might vote to annex themselves to any of the great nations of the earth , and wo could not interpose a word of objection. The accomplished fact of expansion raises two questions : Who is responsi ble for the fact ? Mr. McKinley and Mr. Bryan equally. What shall we do with the islands ? Both say , Restore order first. How ? It can bo done only by suppressing disorder. Each says , Estab- Wish a civil government. Each moans that the United States must do that , each intends that the islanders shall have local self-government. If each would make it stable , so far they are equally imperialistic. Mr. McKiuley has proclaimed amnesty , and a com mission , headed by Judge Taft , one of the greatest jurists in America , is pre paring a plan of civil government. The democratic platform has described the Filipinos as unfit for American citizen ship. But Bryan says they are first to be made stable by us and then inde pendent under our perpetual protec torate. The meaning of independence cannot bo restricted. No nation under a pro tectorate is independent. Independent Texas voted to annex itself to the United State i. The independent Filipinos could annex themselves to Japan or to China or to England or even to Spain. A condition or limitation to the contrary in the grant would , in ordinary legal matters , be void for repugnance. The attempt to avoid the repugnance by a protectorate destroys the independence. Greatest Expansionist of All. But Mr. Bryan is full of resources. Without contending that the Monroe doctrine , as originally formulated , cov ers the Philippine islands , yet with a facile stroke of the pen he expands it to them. He is the greatest expansionist in America. Those islands are on the other side of the earth , not appurtenant to this continent nor to the western hemisphere , commonly understood to be the geographical limits of the Monroe doctrine ; islands which President Mon roe himself could probably not have very easily or quickly pointed out on the map. Mr. Bryan could just as right fully , logically and wisely extend the principle of the Monroe doctrine to Lapland as a shield against Russia ; to the Dauubiau principalities as a shield
