The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902, November 02, 1899, Page 3, Image 3

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The Chicago
ADULLAMITES. _ . - , ij
Times-Herald is
denunciatory of all who took part in the
; " " recent anti-imperialist convocation at
Chicago. And in a lofty editorial of
Saturday , October 21st , it oracularly
declares , when discoursing of the
"delusive slogan of anti-imperialism : "
"This will draw to the ranks of rotten
money , Carl Schurz , J. Sterling Morton ,
Horace White , ex-Senator Edmunds , ex-
Governor Boutwell and perhaps , four
hundred other Adullamites scattered
.throughout forty-five states of the
J1 Union. "
* ) > The term Adullamites is for the
' Times-Herald rather unfortunate. Mr.
John Bright in derision and alluding to
the "three out of thirty chiefs" who
"joined David , in the Harvest-time , at
the cave of Adullam , " applied the
epithet Adnllamites to Mr. Robert Low
and Mr. Horaman , both members of
the liberal party in England because
those gentlemen in 1866 assaulted , in
parliament , the policies of Russell and
Gladstone. But Mr. Robert Low ac
cepted in an unanswerable speech the
name thus bestowed , upon opposition to
the ministry. And after a furious
debate the Adullamites had so gained
from the ranks of the supporters of the
administration that they had a majority
and by defeating a bill proposed by the
government brought the official career
of Lord Russell to a full stop.
The Adullamites of the United States
will put a full stop to a policy which
makes the American flag stand for self-
government in Pennsylvania and for
subjugation in the Philippines which
makes the constitution operative at New
York and inoperative at Manila.
StuyvesantFish ,
NEW ORLEANS VS.
NEW YOltK. president of the
Illinois Central
Railroad company , was before the In
dustrial commission in its afternoon
session. He made an argument for the
shipment of the products of the Mississ
ippi valley states intended for export
via New Orleans , claiming the advan
tage of a descending grade. With
equal tonnage he says freight could be
carried more cheaply from Chicago to
New Orleans than from Chicago to New
York.
Speaking of the competition of river
transportation he said that railroad rates
had become so low in recent years thai
it was no longer formidable. In three
years not a bale of cotton had been car
ried into New Orleans by boat. He
presented a table showing that there
were six systems of railroads , represent
ing over 19,000 miles terminating to
New Orleans.
Mr. Fish , who is n man of uninipeaoh
able veracity and most excellent repu
tatiou , said that
No .Water. , . . , , , ,
- . - the capital stock
of the Illinois Central did not represeu
the value by $20,000,000 , and declared
that railroads generally instead of being
overcapitalized , were really under
capitalized. The road had never failed
to pay dividends , but during the dull
times succeeding the panic of 1891 it had
been necessary to reduce the force very
materially. He thought it would have
been more satisfactory to reduce the
wages than to curtail the force , but this
had been found impracticable because
of the danger of a strike. He expressed
the opinion that wages would alwaya be
controlled by the law of supply and de
mand , "except as its operation may be
influenced by labor trusts seeking to
prevent free men from selling their
only capital in the best market. "
He hastened to say after this remark
that by "labor trusts" he did not refer
to such labor
Exceptions. . , .
orgamzations as
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi
neers or the' Order of Railroad Conduc
tors and others of the same kind , but to
professional labor agitators. Mr. Fish
excepts engineer and conductor com
bines but not "professional agitators. "
Colonel Bryan will notice the discrimi
nation.
Mr. Fish advocated the taxation of
railroads by taxing their gross receipts ,
the abolition of the
Tax Receipts. , . , , , .
ticket brokerage
system and the giving of passes.
Senator Mallory asked if it was under
stood that value was to be received
when passes were
Passes. . , , ,
issued to members
of congress , state legislatures , etc.
"I have been told that such is the
case , " the witness replied , "but I don't
know. "
He said that the interstate commerce
law opened a loophole for the granting
of passes by making so many exceptions
to the prohibition.
"I don't know " he said "
, , "why a pass
should be given to a minister rather
than a shoemaker. Both do business in
the community , and both do good there ,
possibly the shoemaker the most. It is
a discrimination. "
Mr. Fish said there was a commercial
necessity for lower rates for exports than
for articles in-
Lower Rules for , , , „ ,
Exports. tendcd for domeS'
tic consumption ,
and that if not permitted to make this
difference the export business could not
be held. He did not believe in govern
ment ownership. It would bo a bad
day for the government and a good day
for the railroad men if the government
should take charge of the roads and he
did not think they could be managed as
cheaply by the government as under the
present way.
President McKinley calls the United
States "it. " Sir Charles Dilke calls the
United States "she. " Mulhall , the
statistician , calls the United States
"they. " All in one newspaper.
Read , the article
TREIGIIT RATES.
from "Wm. Fulton
giving freight and passenger rates in
Nebraska prior to its invasion by cor
porate greed.
Let all the disciples of Bryauarchy
take notice of the thrift and develop
ment which prevailed on these plains
before the unspeakable crime of 1873
was perpetrated.
Then there were neither corporate
cormorants nor capitalistic vampires
digging holes into the contentment and
comfort of plain people. Then the fare
to Denver was only $75 and freight
"
rates were only $5 to $12 per hundred
pounds , while corn brought ten cents a
bushel. Halcyon days were those before
he crime of 18753.
The fusion forces
BRYAN LOSS
IN IS'JG. under Bryan's lead
lost in Nebraska in
the campaign of 1896 , four thousand
five hundred and thirty-eight votes ,
, vhen compared to the vote in Nebraska
in 1893.
In 1892 Cleveland and Weaver re
ceived fifty-three and ninety-four one
huudredths per cent of all votes cast in ; ; sU/w /
Nebraska.
In 1896 Nebraska cast two hundred
and twenty-three thousand two hundred
and forty-five votes. Had Bryan re
ceived the same per cent of the total
vote in 1896 which Cleveland and
Weaver got in 1892 , Bryan would have
been given one hundred and twenty
thousand four hundred and eighteen
votes. But Nebraska in 1896 gave
Bryan only one hundred and fifteen
thousand eight hundred and eighty
votes , which number deducted from
120,418 leaves 4,538 , the number of votes
less received by Bryan in 1896 than ho
would have received had he gotten the
same per cent of the total vote of
Nebraska which Cleveland and Weaver
got in 1892.
The coal miners
THE MUSCLE
TRUST. of the United
States have formed ,
a muscle trust. They have declared
eight hours a miner's day of work and
limited the output of coal for each miner.
Thus this country is threatened with a
general shutting down of its manufac
turing plants. Here in Nebraska City ,
at the packing house , Argo starch works
and the cereal mills , are hundreds of
men , boys and women about to bo
thrown out of steady employment and
good wages because we cannot got steam
coal with which to run the plants.
This muscle trust is evolved from the
discontent which walking , talking ,
stalking delegates like Allen , Bryan and
Altgeld foment. They are the cause of
the coal famine. A vote for fusion is a
vote to endorse enforced idleness and to-
commend House Rent Holcoinb , BryanX
arohy and fusion.