i wnnwvflKRK ff > & v wrf teT' f * i'l * / * mTsswrsV' , . . ? s tvK ; ' - . : - - - * * . - -V" , - - ' - i > * ir \ - . . , - " ' 4 ' ' / . - - - ' _ the Conservative > - . " * ' * & & & * * - * ' : The Chicago ADULLAMITES. _ . - , ij Times-Herald is denunciatory of all who took part in the ; " " recent anti-imperialist convocation at Chicago. And in a lofty editorial of Saturday , October 21st , it oracularly declares , when discoursing of the "delusive slogan of anti-imperialism : " "This will draw to the ranks of rotten money , Carl Schurz , J. Sterling Morton , Horace White , ex-Senator Edmunds , ex- Governor Boutwell and perhaps , four hundred other Adullamites scattered .throughout forty-five states of the J1 Union. " * ) > The term Adullamites is for the ' Times-Herald rather unfortunate. Mr. John Bright in derision and alluding to the "three out of thirty chiefs" who "joined David , in the Harvest-time , at the cave of Adullam , " applied the epithet Adnllamites to Mr. Robert Low and Mr. Horaman , both members of the liberal party in England because those gentlemen in 1866 assaulted , in parliament , the policies of Russell and Gladstone. But Mr. Robert Low ac cepted in an unanswerable speech the name thus bestowed , upon opposition to the ministry. And after a furious debate the Adullamites had so gained from the ranks of the supporters of the administration that they had a majority and by defeating a bill proposed by the government brought the official career of Lord Russell to a full stop. The Adullamites of the United States will put a full stop to a policy which makes the American flag stand for self- government in Pennsylvania and for subjugation in the Philippines which makes the constitution operative at New York and inoperative at Manila. StuyvesantFish , NEW ORLEANS VS. NEW YOltK. president of the Illinois Central Railroad company , was before the In dustrial commission in its afternoon session. He made an argument for the shipment of the products of the Mississ ippi valley states intended for export via New Orleans , claiming the advan tage of a descending grade. With equal tonnage he says freight could be carried more cheaply from Chicago to New Orleans than from Chicago to New York. Speaking of the competition of river transportation he said that railroad rates had become so low in recent years thai it was no longer formidable. In three years not a bale of cotton had been car ried into New Orleans by boat. He presented a table showing that there were six systems of railroads , represent ing over 19,000 miles terminating to New Orleans. Mr. Fish , who is n man of uninipeaoh able veracity and most excellent repu tatiou , said that No .Water. , . . , , , , - . - the capital stock of the Illinois Central did not represeu the value by $20,000,000 , and declared that railroads generally instead of being overcapitalized , were really under capitalized. The road had never failed to pay dividends , but during the dull times succeeding the panic of 1891 it had been necessary to reduce the force very materially. He thought it would have been more satisfactory to reduce the wages than to curtail the force , but this had been found impracticable because of the danger of a strike. He expressed the opinion that wages would alwaya be controlled by the law of supply and de mand , "except as its operation may be influenced by labor trusts seeking to prevent free men from selling their only capital in the best market. " He hastened to say after this remark that by "labor trusts" he did not refer to such labor Exceptions. . , . orgamzations as the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engi neers or the' Order of Railroad Conduc tors and others of the same kind , but to professional labor agitators. Mr. Fish excepts engineer and conductor com bines but not "professional agitators. " Colonel Bryan will notice the discrimi nation. Mr. Fish advocated the taxation of railroads by taxing their gross receipts , the abolition of the Tax Receipts. , . , , , . ticket brokerage system and the giving of passes. Senator Mallory asked if it was under stood that value was to be received when passes were Passes. . , , , issued to members of congress , state legislatures , etc. "I have been told that such is the case , " the witness replied , "but I don't know. " He said that the interstate commerce law opened a loophole for the granting of passes by making so many exceptions to the prohibition. "I don't know " he said " , , "why a pass should be given to a minister rather than a shoemaker. Both do business in the community , and both do good there , possibly the shoemaker the most. It is a discrimination. " Mr. Fish said there was a commercial necessity for lower rates for exports than for articles in- Lower Rules for , , , , Exports. tendcd for domeS' tic consumption , and that if not permitted to make this difference the export business could not be held. He did not believe in govern ment ownership. It would bo a bad day for the government and a good day for the railroad men if the government should take charge of the roads and he did not think they could be managed as cheaply by the government as under the present way. President McKinley calls the United States "it. " Sir Charles Dilke calls the United States "she. " Mulhall , the statistician , calls the United States "they. " All in one newspaper. Read , the article TREIGIIT RATES. from "Wm. Fulton giving freight and passenger rates in Nebraska prior to its invasion by cor porate greed. Let all the disciples of Bryauarchy take notice of the thrift and develop ment which prevailed on these plains before the unspeakable crime of 1873 was perpetrated. Then there were neither corporate cormorants nor capitalistic vampires digging holes into the contentment and comfort of plain people. Then the fare to Denver was only $75 and freight " rates were only $5 to $12 per hundred pounds , while corn brought ten cents a bushel. Halcyon days were those before he crime of 18753. The fusion forces BRYAN LOSS IN IS'JG. under Bryan's lead lost in Nebraska in the campaign of 1896 , four thousand five hundred and thirty-eight votes , , vhen compared to the vote in Nebraska in 1893. In 1892 Cleveland and Weaver re ceived fifty-three and ninety-four one huudredths per cent of all votes cast in ; ; sU/w / Nebraska. In 1896 Nebraska cast two hundred and twenty-three thousand two hundred and forty-five votes. Had Bryan re ceived the same per cent of the total vote in 1896 which Cleveland and Weaver got in 1892 , Bryan would have been given one hundred and twenty thousand four hundred and eighteen votes. But Nebraska in 1896 gave Bryan only one hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty votes , which number deducted from 120,418 leaves 4,538 , the number of votes less received by Bryan in 1896 than ho would have received had he gotten the same per cent of the total vote of Nebraska which Cleveland and Weaver got in 1892. The coal miners THE MUSCLE TRUST. of the United States have formed , a muscle trust. They have declared eight hours a miner's day of work and limited the output of coal for each miner. Thus this country is threatened with a general shutting down of its manufac turing plants. Here in Nebraska City , at the packing house , Argo starch works and the cereal mills , are hundreds of men , boys and women about to bo thrown out of steady employment and good wages because we cannot got steam coal with which to run the plants. This muscle trust is evolved from the discontent which walking , talking , stalking delegates like Allen , Bryan and Altgeld foment. They are the cause of the coal famine. A vote for fusion is a vote to endorse enforced idleness and to- commend House Rent Holcoinb , BryanX arohy and fusion.