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About The Conservative (Nebraska City, Neb.) 1898-1902 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 14, 1899)
airA ? ; TOTTTf i - J ; f'r- Che Conservativ * VOL. II. NEBRASKA CITY , NEB. , THURSDAY , SEPTEMBER 14 , 1899. NO. 10. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. OFFICES : OVERLAND THEATRE BLOCK. J. STERLING MORTON , EDITOR. A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE DISCUSSION OF POLITICAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL QUESTIONS. CIRCULATION THIS WEEK 6,376 COPIES. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. One dollar and a half per year , in advance , postpaid , to any part of the United States or Canada. Remittances made payable to The Morton Printing Company. Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska City , Neb. Advertising Rates made known upon appli cation. Entered at the postofflce at Nebraska City , Neb. , as Second Class matter , July 29th , 1898. GREAT GAINS. .Pf * ship for the money to be made out of offices instead of a leadership devoted to principles , patriot ism and honor , what has the democracy of Nebraska accomplished ? Let the figures from election returns in 1892 and election returns in 1898 answer. In the former year , with a gold stand ard candidate who frankly avowed him self as such , and with a defection led by a candidate for congress who sought votes by espousing the silver cause , the democratic party in Nebraska cast forty- four thousand , one hundred and ninety- five votes. At the same election the republican votes were seventy-eight thousand , four hundred and twenty-six and the populist ballots numbered sixty- eight thousand , six hundred and seven teen. Adding the populist vote to the democratic and we had one hundred and twelve thousand , eight hundred and twelve , a majority over the republicans of thirty-four thousand three hundred and eighty-six. But in 1898 , after pandering to all the vagaries of populism and merging the democratic party of Nebraska into the Clem Deaver aud Bill Allen brand of populism , the fused , blended and con solidated forces of Bryanarchy cost only ninety-five thousand , seven hundred and three votes for Poynter while the republicans gave Hayword ninety-two thousand , nine hundred and eighty-two votea. Of what can the blended , fused and welded forces boast ? What have men of principle and patriotism to say of that leadership which has taken through a pest-house into oblivion the democratic organization to which they belonged and which had during more than a quarter of a century been famous throughout the United States for its game and unflinching adherence to free trade and sound money ? What political platforms were more quoted and praised by conservative citizens everywhere than those proclaimed by the democracy of Nebraska from 1807 down to and in clusive of 1892 ? But a new motto was placarded upon the walls of Nebraska democracy and a new legend emblazoned on its banners in 1896. Then the ancient legend that "honesty is the best policy" was reversed and the reversal became the guiding inspiration of a leadership which in its incipiency declared thai office for money rather than for honor was its animating thought and ambi tion. "Policy is the best honesty , " is the gospel , the ten commandments and the . . . Whole religion of Policy is the . . , , i . . Best Honesty. the leadership of Bryanarchy. Pol icy to catch votes , policy to attract and inflame the ignorant , the slothful aud the discontented ; honesty-jjto denounce the writ of injunction arid its main tenance by the supreme court of the United States for the purpose of pro tecting United States mails and other property from destruction at the hands of a mob which was anarchy until it became Bryanarchy. Great gains in Nebraska , great honors in Nebraska , great victories in Nebraska for the new motto of a "FUSION" which ill-conceals a half-digested democracy in its uneasy stomach I "Policy is the best honesty ! " And its chaplets of glory are Long Talking Allen , House Bent Holcomb and Poyuter ! Great gains for democracy ! " exceedingly FOR THE MONEY. . inconsistent for Colonel Bryan to denounce wealth , the power of wealth and the despotism of money , because he first sought office in Nebraska with the distinct and un equivocal avowal that he did such seek ing for money and not for honor. The power of money has never been better illustrated as a hoisting machine than in the career of Colonel Bryan who , as a politician , has been built up by money contributions. These dona- tious came to him personally during the campaign of 1896 , THE CONSERVATIVE is credibly informed , in sums aggre gating thousands of dollars. Beside ihat the silver smelter combine put up iiniidrods of thousands of dollars for the jt < same campaign. As a most successful jj / and eloquent platform speaker and as | | / the candidate of silver mine owners no man in American politics so perfectly represents the power of money aa Colonel Bryan. No other man over made a living and a competence out of political candidature in throe years and no other man ever made candidature and its emoluments the sole object of life. There is a lazy , XHEDIS- CONTENTED. loafing class in the United States which ? studies the art of inoculating the masses with discontent. These fellows are fluent of tongue , smooth in manners and professedly the self-sacrificing friends of the poor and the oppressed. They damn the prosperous as knaves. They extol the unprosperous as martyrs to the money-power. The organized discontent of the United States will have a candidate for the presidency in 1900 ! SMYTH. The attorney- general of Nebras ka has proceeded against The Standard Oil company with the intention of driv ing it out of business in Nebraska. The learned Blarney Smyth , attorney- general of Nebraska , knows that oil has declined in price under the terrible con spiracies , plots and schemes of the oil trust and that light in all the homes upon the farms of Nebraska is cheaper and better than it was when The Stand ard Oil company began business in this state. Therefore , The Standard Oil company must be prosecuted. The same smooth Smyth knows also that the silver smelter of Omaha is in the silver combine trust , or conspiracy , that the admitted and avowed object of this fusion of silver smelters is to put up the price of silver and he knows further that this silver trust "puts up" for Bryan and for all the other advocates of the money fallacies. Is this knowledge of the value of the silver trust to the office-seekers trust a reason for the non-prosecution of the silver trust ? Ffrf