airA ? ; TOTTTf i -
J ;
f'r-
Che Conservativ
*
VOL. II. NEBRASKA CITY , NEB. , THURSDAY , SEPTEMBER 14 , 1899. NO. 10.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY.
OFFICES : OVERLAND THEATRE BLOCK.
J. STERLING MORTON , EDITOR.
A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE DISCUSSION
OF POLITICAL , ECONOMIC AND SOCIOLOGICAL
QUESTIONS.
CIRCULATION THIS WEEK 6,376 COPIES.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
One dollar and a half per year , in advance ,
postpaid , to any part of the United States or
Canada. Remittances made payable to The
Morton Printing Company.
Address , THE CONSERVATIVE , Nebraska
City , Neb.
Advertising Rates made known upon appli
cation.
Entered at the postofflce at Nebraska City ,
Neb. , as Second Class matter , July 29th , 1898.
GREAT GAINS. .Pf *
ship for the money
to be made out of offices instead of a
leadership devoted to principles , patriot
ism and honor , what has the democracy
of Nebraska accomplished ? Let the
figures from election returns in 1892 and
election returns in 1898 answer.
In the former year , with a gold stand
ard candidate who frankly avowed him
self as such , and with a defection led by
a candidate for congress who sought
votes by espousing the silver cause , the
democratic party in Nebraska cast forty-
four thousand , one hundred and ninety-
five votes. At the same election the
republican votes were seventy-eight
thousand , four hundred and twenty-six
and the populist ballots numbered sixty-
eight thousand , six hundred and seven
teen. Adding the populist vote to the
democratic and we had one hundred and
twelve thousand , eight hundred and
twelve , a majority over the republicans
of thirty-four thousand three hundred
and eighty-six.
But in 1898 , after pandering to all the
vagaries of populism and merging the
democratic party of Nebraska into the
Clem Deaver aud Bill Allen brand of
populism , the fused , blended and con
solidated forces of Bryanarchy cost only
ninety-five thousand , seven hundred
and three votes for Poynter while the
republicans gave Hayword ninety-two
thousand , nine hundred and eighty-two
votea.
Of what can the blended , fused and
welded forces boast ? What have men
of principle and patriotism to say of
that leadership which has taken through
a pest-house into oblivion the democratic
organization to which they belonged
and which had during more than a
quarter of a century been famous
throughout the United States for its
game and unflinching adherence to free
trade and sound money ? What political
platforms were more quoted and praised
by conservative citizens everywhere
than those proclaimed by the democracy
of Nebraska from 1807 down to and in
clusive of 1892 ? But a new motto was
placarded upon the walls of Nebraska
democracy and a new legend emblazoned
on its banners in 1896. Then the ancient
legend that "honesty is the best policy"
was reversed and the reversal became
the guiding inspiration of a leadership
which in its incipiency declared thai
office for money rather than for honor
was its animating thought and ambi
tion.
"Policy is the best honesty , " is the
gospel , the ten commandments and the
. . . Whole religion of
Policy is the . . , , i . .
Best Honesty. the leadership of
Bryanarchy. Pol
icy to catch votes , policy to attract and
inflame the ignorant , the slothful aud
the discontented ; honesty-jjto denounce
the writ of injunction arid its main
tenance by the supreme court of the
United States for the purpose of pro
tecting United States mails and other
property from destruction at the hands
of a mob which was anarchy until it
became Bryanarchy.
Great gains in Nebraska , great honors
in Nebraska , great victories in Nebraska
for the new motto of a "FUSION" which
ill-conceals a half-digested democracy
in its uneasy stomach I "Policy is the
best honesty ! " And its chaplets of
glory are Long Talking Allen , House
Bent Holcomb and Poyuter ! Great
gains for democracy !
" exceedingly
FOR THE MONEY. .
inconsistent for
Colonel Bryan to denounce wealth , the
power of wealth and the despotism of
money , because he first sought office in
Nebraska with the distinct and un
equivocal avowal that he did such seek
ing for money and not for honor.
The power of money has never been
better illustrated as a hoisting machine
than in the career of Colonel Bryan
who , as a politician , has been built up
by money contributions. These dona-
tious came to him personally during the
campaign of 1896 , THE CONSERVATIVE
is credibly informed , in sums aggre
gating thousands of dollars. Beside
ihat the silver smelter combine put up
iiniidrods of thousands of dollars for the jt <
same campaign. As a most successful jj /
and eloquent platform speaker and as | | /
the candidate of silver mine owners no
man in American politics so perfectly
represents the power of money aa
Colonel Bryan. No other man over
made a living and a competence out of
political candidature in throe years and
no other man ever made candidature
and its emoluments the sole object of
life.
There is a lazy ,
XHEDIS-
CONTENTED. loafing class in
the United States
which ? studies the art of inoculating the
masses with discontent. These fellows
are fluent of tongue , smooth in manners
and professedly the self-sacrificing
friends of the poor and the oppressed.
They damn the prosperous as knaves.
They extol the unprosperous as martyrs
to the money-power. The organized
discontent of the United States will
have a candidate for the presidency in
1900 !
SMYTH. The attorney-
general of Nebras
ka has proceeded against The Standard
Oil company with the intention of driv
ing it out of business in Nebraska. The
learned Blarney Smyth , attorney-
general of Nebraska , knows that oil has
declined in price under the terrible con
spiracies , plots and schemes of the oil
trust and that light in all the homes
upon the farms of Nebraska is cheaper
and better than it was when The Stand
ard Oil company began business in this
state. Therefore , The Standard Oil
company must be prosecuted.
The same smooth Smyth knows also
that the silver smelter of Omaha is in
the silver combine trust , or conspiracy ,
that the admitted and avowed object of
this fusion of silver smelters is to put up
the price of silver and he knows further
that this silver trust "puts up" for
Bryan and for all the other advocates of
the money fallacies.
Is this knowledge of the value of the
silver trust to the office-seekers trust a
reason for the non-prosecution of the
silver trust ?
Ffrf
