-it *
ifiltw
Conservative.
Tun CONSERVA-
,
TrU' 1S I0
DENIALS.TrU' Plensea
observe that Mr.
Patrick Barton , Mr. G. W. Bergo , Mr.
Frederick Sheppercl and perhaps a
few other fusionists have been inter
viewed by the State Journal and de
clared that Mr. Bryan never said that he
wanted any office for the money that
was in it instead of the honor. These
bewildered followers of the money
fallacies are not content , however , with
simple denial , but indulge in wrathful
comments upon the editor of THE CON-
SEUVATIVE , even calling him "a liar , "
"an infernal liar , " and "a wicked pre
varicator. "
These remarks , coming from such de
luded persons , are not worth noticing.
But if William Jennings Bryan , the
prophet and oracle of these disciples of
monetary vagaries , will himself deny
the charge that he said he wanted an oflice
to tide him over in the beginnings of his
political career , for the money that was
in it and not the honor , THE CONSERVA
TIVE will proceed to publish the evidence
of a mail who claimed , when the asser
tion is alleged to have been made , and
still claims , to be a democrat of unim
peachable character.
"Whatever
DEMOCRATIC
CONSERVATISM. strength the dem
ocratic party ever
had came to it because of its conserva
tism. In a republic there must be
government by parties , and the demo
cracy for many years succeeded in hold
ing the government by ultra conserva
tism. It was the analogue in American
politics of the English tories , whose
modern title of 'conservatives' has been
adopted as exactly descriptive of their
party position. "
Thus declares the San Francisco Daily
Call of August 29th , 1809 , and continu
ing the same article wisely and justly
asserts that :
"In 1890 the new democracy changed
all this and became the representative of
all forms of radicalism. Its platform
attacked at two or three points our con
stitutional system of government and
threatened ominously every safeguard
of property rights. Mr. Bryan was him
self a man without property or gainful
vocation. He had practiced at a little
law and a little journalism and a good
deal of politics. The hard times had
disomployed vast numbers of men , had
taken the profits out of the business of
another vast contingent that had busi
ness investments , and had sown the
country with discontent which was
easily blown into flames by any leader
sufficiently reckless and restless. So
many millions were pinched in their
wages , their incomes , their means of
support , their fuel , food and shelter ,
that no sorcery was required to rouse
them to a revolutionary pitch against
all whose prudence or good fortune had
prepared them for the crisis and put
them above the hard orders of necessity
which it brought. They were ready to
elect to the presidency a man who pro
fessed a fellow fooling and exploited the
same needs which they felt. Any man
whoso prudence hnd prepared him to
outlast the panic was not suited to the
times as a candidate of all this discon
tent. In all the prosperous years pre
ceding the panic Mr. Bryan had
neglected any prudent provision. The
squalor in his affairs was not mitigated
by any share in the good things of good
times which had to bo won by industry
and application. In his profession , the
law , all things come by hard Inbor , none
by luck. Therefore , nothing came to
him.
Uryaii Socle H u Change.
"Ho now confronts a changed situa
tion. Our industries are all in action.
Crops are good. Trade is brisk. There
are but few idle who are able and will
ing to work.
"As an idler and a man with no voca
tion Mr. Bryan stands practically alone
among the public men of the country.
His old appeals to discontent are ad
dressed to men too busy to listen. The
panic has passed like a bad dream , and
the country is opposed to bringing on
another by any radical political experi
ment. Bryan has attempted to install
himself in leadership of a partisan anti-
imperial issue , but his discussion of that
subject is so shallow and puerile that it
makes no appeal to the profound men
who fathom all of its depths. So he re
turns again and again to the line of ap
peal that he used in 1890.
The people may be careless in their
choice of public officers in minor mat
ters. They may turn a willing or a
careless ear to the solicitations of the
professional politician in choosing minor
officers. But when it comes to electing
a president they don't want a man with
out a calling. They have always chosen
a different clacs of men. Planters and
farmers , professional men , who can earn
a living without politics , or men who
have mightily achieved for the country
and won its gratitude by great deeds
and sacrifices are the beneficiaries of the
ballot when a president is to be elected
Did Nut Go to Work.
"If Mr. Bryan had settled down after
1890 in the practice of his profession and
had been successful , had become known
as a lawyer of respectable standing and
had made his living by the hard work
which success in that profession re
quires , ho would be stronger today than
ho is.
But he did not do this. Ho has made
his bed and board in politics ever since ,
and has lived on the sometimes generous
bounty of his supporters. True , he may
have made more in this way than he
could have made by work , but after all
it is a species of charity that does not
dignify him nor put him in the great
mass of his countrymen who live by
work.
"These considerations appeal to the
keenly practical men in his party and
leave him with no whole-hearted sup
port , except by spoils-hunters like Croker
or revolutionists and reds like Altgeld.
These two classes control the party
organization and will exercise to the
most radical limit the power to exclude
nil conservatism from the convention.
Mr. Bryan will be nominated and will
be again beaten , because his impassioned
appeal wilt be made to a country in
which prosperity and contentment have
replaced the discontent and restlessness
which were rife in 1890.
' The feeling in the South is such that
at this moment it is probable that a
majority of the Southern states will re
buke radicalism by throwing their elec
toral votes away from him , while at the
same time they choose democratic state
governments for the protection of their
local position. "
PIONEER WAY.
OMAHA , Neb. , August 29 , 1899.
J. STERLING MORTON :
Dear Sir : I have taken up the mat
ter of having a Pioneer day during the
exposition and as Doctor Miller suggests
that it be sometime in the early part of
October I have taken the liberty of ask
ing if you have any suggestions to offer
upon the subject. I think it would be
desirable to secure the attendance of as
many as possible of the old settlers from
the several counties and to secure the
cooperation of the county organizations.
I do not find with the records left me by
Mr. Boweu any list of the pioneer organ
izations or list of members. I am writ
ing today to parties in all the river
counties and some of the interior
counties to secure this information.
Trusting that I may hear from you with
such valuable suggestions as you can
make upon the subject at an early day ,
I am Very truly yours ,
DANIEL H. WHEELER.
THE CONSERVATIVE fully agrees with
Major Wheeler and Doctor Miller and
will do any reasonable thing to make
Pioneer day a success.
( The Nebraska Territorial Pioneers is
an organization composed of Classes
A and B. Class A consists of those
who located in , or were born in ,
Nebraska prior to March 1 , 1807.
Class B consists of the children
and grand-children of members in Class
A. Deceased persons may be registered
if eligible when living. In each case
the register-card must be filed , and the
register-fee of one dollar paid , to secure
membership. There are no dues and no
salaries. The badge of the association
may bo purchased by fully registered
members of either class from A. B.
Hubermau , jeweler , 18th and Douglas
streets , Omaha ; price two dollars. )
