-it * ifiltw Conservative. Tun CONSERVA- , TrU' 1S I0 DENIALS.TrU' Plensea observe that Mr. Patrick Barton , Mr. G. W. Bergo , Mr. Frederick Sheppercl and perhaps a few other fusionists have been inter viewed by the State Journal and de clared that Mr. Bryan never said that he wanted any office for the money that was in it instead of the honor. These bewildered followers of the money fallacies are not content , however , with simple denial , but indulge in wrathful comments upon the editor of THE CON- SEUVATIVE , even calling him "a liar , " "an infernal liar , " and "a wicked pre varicator. " These remarks , coming from such de luded persons , are not worth noticing. But if William Jennings Bryan , the prophet and oracle of these disciples of monetary vagaries , will himself deny the charge that he said he wanted an oflice to tide him over in the beginnings of his political career , for the money that was in it and not the honor , THE CONSERVA TIVE will proceed to publish the evidence of a mail who claimed , when the asser tion is alleged to have been made , and still claims , to be a democrat of unim peachable character. "Whatever DEMOCRATIC CONSERVATISM. strength the dem ocratic party ever had came to it because of its conserva tism. In a republic there must be government by parties , and the demo cracy for many years succeeded in hold ing the government by ultra conserva tism. It was the analogue in American politics of the English tories , whose modern title of 'conservatives' has been adopted as exactly descriptive of their party position. " Thus declares the San Francisco Daily Call of August 29th , 1809 , and continu ing the same article wisely and justly asserts that : "In 1890 the new democracy changed all this and became the representative of all forms of radicalism. Its platform attacked at two or three points our con stitutional system of government and threatened ominously every safeguard of property rights. Mr. Bryan was him self a man without property or gainful vocation. He had practiced at a little law and a little journalism and a good deal of politics. The hard times had disomployed vast numbers of men , had taken the profits out of the business of another vast contingent that had busi ness investments , and had sown the country with discontent which was easily blown into flames by any leader sufficiently reckless and restless. So many millions were pinched in their wages , their incomes , their means of support , their fuel , food and shelter , that no sorcery was required to rouse them to a revolutionary pitch against all whose prudence or good fortune had prepared them for the crisis and put them above the hard orders of necessity which it brought. They were ready to elect to the presidency a man who pro fessed a fellow fooling and exploited the same needs which they felt. Any man whoso prudence hnd prepared him to outlast the panic was not suited to the times as a candidate of all this discon tent. In all the prosperous years pre ceding the panic Mr. Bryan had neglected any prudent provision. The squalor in his affairs was not mitigated by any share in the good things of good times which had to bo won by industry and application. In his profession , the law , all things come by hard Inbor , none by luck. Therefore , nothing came to him. Uryaii Socle H u Change. "Ho now confronts a changed situa tion. Our industries are all in action. Crops are good. Trade is brisk. There are but few idle who are able and will ing to work. "As an idler and a man with no voca tion Mr. Bryan stands practically alone among the public men of the country. His old appeals to discontent are ad dressed to men too busy to listen. The panic has passed like a bad dream , and the country is opposed to bringing on another by any radical political experi ment. Bryan has attempted to install himself in leadership of a partisan anti- imperial issue , but his discussion of that subject is so shallow and puerile that it makes no appeal to the profound men who fathom all of its depths. So he re turns again and again to the line of ap peal that he used in 1890. The people may be careless in their choice of public officers in minor mat ters. They may turn a willing or a careless ear to the solicitations of the professional politician in choosing minor officers. But when it comes to electing a president they don't want a man with out a calling. They have always chosen a different clacs of men. Planters and farmers , professional men , who can earn a living without politics , or men who have mightily achieved for the country and won its gratitude by great deeds and sacrifices are the beneficiaries of the ballot when a president is to be elected Did Nut Go to Work. "If Mr. Bryan had settled down after 1890 in the practice of his profession and had been successful , had become known as a lawyer of respectable standing and had made his living by the hard work which success in that profession re quires , ho would be stronger today than ho is. But he did not do this. Ho has made his bed and board in politics ever since , and has lived on the sometimes generous bounty of his supporters. True , he may have made more in this way than he could have made by work , but after all it is a species of charity that does not dignify him nor put him in the great mass of his countrymen who live by work. "These considerations appeal to the keenly practical men in his party and leave him with no whole-hearted sup port , except by spoils-hunters like Croker or revolutionists and reds like Altgeld. These two classes control the party organization and will exercise to the most radical limit the power to exclude nil conservatism from the convention. Mr. Bryan will be nominated and will be again beaten , because his impassioned appeal wilt be made to a country in which prosperity and contentment have replaced the discontent and restlessness which were rife in 1890. ' The feeling in the South is such that at this moment it is probable that a majority of the Southern states will re buke radicalism by throwing their elec toral votes away from him , while at the same time they choose democratic state governments for the protection of their local position. " PIONEER WAY. OMAHA , Neb. , August 29 , 1899. J. STERLING MORTON : Dear Sir : I have taken up the mat ter of having a Pioneer day during the exposition and as Doctor Miller suggests that it be sometime in the early part of October I have taken the liberty of ask ing if you have any suggestions to offer upon the subject. I think it would be desirable to secure the attendance of as many as possible of the old settlers from the several counties and to secure the cooperation of the county organizations. I do not find with the records left me by Mr. Boweu any list of the pioneer organ izations or list of members. I am writ ing today to parties in all the river counties and some of the interior counties to secure this information. Trusting that I may hear from you with such valuable suggestions as you can make upon the subject at an early day , I am Very truly yours , DANIEL H. WHEELER. THE CONSERVATIVE fully agrees with Major Wheeler and Doctor Miller and will do any reasonable thing to make Pioneer day a success. ( The Nebraska Territorial Pioneers is an organization composed of Classes A and B. Class A consists of those who located in , or were born in , Nebraska prior to March 1 , 1807. Class B consists of the children and grand-children of members in Class A. Deceased persons may be registered if eligible when living. In each case the register-card must be filed , and the register-fee of one dollar paid , to secure membership. There are no dues and no salaries. The badge of the association may bo purchased by fully registered members of either class from A. B. Hubermau , jeweler , 18th and Douglas streets , Omaha ; price two dollars. )