Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Columbus journal. (Columbus, Neb.) 1874-1911 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 30, 1896)
iSJSiiiwSfevT-SSSfPSKS RJSFWSSS W 1 ij S?Vrmfli ji-. -a JW'' - 0lumbu$ Journal. TALK ABOUT TKUST8. THE MONEY QUESTION IT IS SOMETHING LIKE THE YARD AND? THE YARDSTICK. ey. Those pieces ordered CAMPAIGN SONG. amk far BUI aad daafc. bt a a. LAHurOKB. TaCkkagaaad the East. Passaagers going east for business, will The Inter Ocean according to contract, so many ounces What'a the Matter with the Silver Miae Sraakate? The free silver orators have a great deal to say about trusts and combines and monopolies, as in some vague and unexplained way illustrating the evils ot to the yard at such and such a price. But manufacturers soon found out that if they give full weight of honest mate rial, according to agreement, no profit would result whatever. So, in order to naturally gravitate to Chicago as th --la Wauiac oT tae Graaa.1 great commarcial center. Taa AMaocrata asay slag laeir taalrauaa at woa. Aadaa the ataaack Baaaaneaaa re-visiting friends or relatives in the astern states always desire to "take wn Chicago ea route. AUdassesrt passen gers will find that the "Short Line" of the Chicago, Milwaukee k St Paul Bail. Is the Most Popular Republic Ntwi Oae Faadataeatal MWcaacepHa Tfcat ftlts Wot and Hm tW Ustyst Citrrtatisay TERMS BY MAIU alas the Minds af Many Men St make ends meet with more alacrity and Bat whoa Kovaaabar daya akail coame. AC. K. TURNER & CO., far a Standard Jfeasara af Yalaa -Past nL"T!LL..VTL ."r1 t11a'aliiHi hHtuWn BUI McKlalay and, kmrrak DesMcrata ataat fall. tlMa,! M ! fhMwl Tiiiau I DAILY (wHaaat Swuday) ..4.9 't: $1 In tees la all cartas jUTEftATUte. I v, ' - 'SJ&JTJ ) - 3 - I '' aaaaaaaaaaaaai aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaasai saaaauaaamt Sa-" . - ' T. 5l f J .'S- 3 i l: I i Oiimr, by !!, posta prepaid... Hz aoatto i ftoahli iaAdiaaaa. ay-asslBaaiaBtaasaBea ana. lad te'lMMIM niMiw.f aaaBBBB SBB1 aajsri w enayjnaBft WSaB B"a""J . - . wcbbs arwttosaaBjia of iwJo date to ilht aaar tobaariggja jtj tnvlTtottoudM jr.aT.sflsaaj We taaano tto rajfct to ntatinr i aadlSBIIIlf afiastelBtaiatto aBBM.- a oonosBealaat fa "rr lefcool Platte iaa fcy. oao otgoed jaiama liable ja twff war-Write sfesnfty, SlpBIHMT HINH aaaaanaaV WEDNESDAY. SEPTEMBER 9 REPUIUCAN TICKE1 x For Preeideat: william Mckinley; of Ohio. f For Vice Preeideat: GARRETT A. HOBARt ot New Jersey. ."fJ STATE TICKET. Governor. JOHM5 Lieataaaat Governor. ORLAK gscfeUrr of State JOS 'Aaditor. PETER CCf Treasurer CHARLan Sapt. Pab.Int HENRY B. Attorney General. ..ARTHUR 8. CI Coaa. Pab. Lands and Bldff .... H. C Jadces Supreme Court.. fiosisr Reseat State University... .. W. G. 1 Praaideatial Electors- j FRANK J. at-Lmrge U. E. HOI First District. A. J Second District A.J Third Diatnct..... ... .SO Foarth District G Fifth District J.L.J Sixth District. M.) Tiak i For Coacresaman Third Distinct, ROSS L. HAMMOND., Sanatoria! Tiekat; For SeaatorTwelfth District.SIDNI Ceaaty Ticket. For Representative GEORGf For Coaaty Attorney C. 2 Thb funeral of Hon. A. J. raa held at Omaha Saturday A wateb-spotjt struck Sa Texas, Sunday, causing grea tion of property. .. With McKinleii and . tion we shull have more : meut, wages. more work, an i ' : " The khedive of Egypt is r . now making a tour of Europe . and. that he has with him a i Egyptian independence dr . prominent native officials. '. Ex-Pbesident Habbibox h a noteworthy article on the Si tion for the October numb Fornax. It is probably the i tribution to the discussion ye : -- Lem J. Smith of Lincoln h the campaign for Bentley. ' that the government has nej to monetize gold and silv" , monetize wheat, and he ten currency a relic of barbarisa 2 " Majob Mc KiNLET,literally . the stump from now to the? I. campaign. The people have la to him right along and yes stump was expressed to his ' . n oooeo admirer. Canton Be ' "The American Ballot" is J a forceful and suggestive pt October Forum by the Hoc Lush, ex-member of the Nt Legislature. Mr. Lusk del . workings of the Australian j declares that the system not this country is nothing like i' The Mount Holyoke oollef 'Hadley, Masa, the pioneer for the higher education ot oeived a severe blow Sunda in the burning of the mail ,with a probable loss of SIS buildings destroyed cost St bmildings and contents were $154,000. j "Free trade and free silt fake friends of labor. The: promise of cheap commoditiei money. The partial trial of has proved that the cheap o promised are dear to labor 1 cost of labor; and cheap ma equally dear to them and a their highest and best inter . liam'McKinley. - I The handsome increase Reed's majority in his re-elec -greasiaa flattering endoreet aan and all he represents, i thing that a man of even his a&ay be proad of, but the Trt that when MeKinley makes iaet he will find a place i "gentleman who has so mat sot only in his own state, b oat the nation. Fremont 1 - Mb. Powdbbxy put the tat in a nutshell when he sail York speech: "It sounds I amy that the world is my t) all saen are my brotheii preservation is the first lai as well as of nature." Th an individual, must live am debts, and there is no hoof aaewoa tnan to ux imports i labor. Inter Ocean. DuBBia the month of shown by the official rep director of the mint, there 2&e,000 silver dollars, aim capacity oi the mints. On t the government (which of c whole body of the people) re! ft f $822,027, by reason oi an between the ballioa t silver and the valae as it ij atamped by the governafteat ft, under the system prop Itrvaa sartv. woald have bt ta the prodaoers of stiver bsl fMBw,toallthe t'ra,it " m m Political Uote3 and Observations from the Popocrat Candi date's Own City. HPIAT FORM " ANALYZED. A Constant . Appeal to Class Preju- .tlice in the Interest of Sil- ver Mine Owners. Business men are studying the money question. Mr. Bryan h:is seen fit to tell his audiences over and over again that the business men of the country aie against free silver partly because they don't know anything about the question and partly because they are diohoiiest. In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow ers and misrepresents the business men. It may be true that what is called free silver agitation started fir.t among the farmers rather than among the busiue.ss men, but later the business men have read the free-silver literature, have read both sides of the question, until at the present time the business men of the nation are thoroughly informed from a bnsine. standpoint and from a nonpar tisan standpoint on the money question. It is probably true that the politicians that oppose silver are moved by prejudice and self-interest to a certain degree just as the politicians who favor free silver are moved by tlf-intcrest to a certain degree; but the business men, the men who are managing the business concerns of the country, the bankers, and the financiers have made it a part of their business to read up on the money ques tion, to become thoroughly informed, and they have packed upon the question from a business and not lroni a political stand point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor al force of the biiMiie.s judgment of the country and knowing that this business judgment condemns free coinage as a dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the business mind of the country by denounc ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the money question. Mr. Bryan professes to desire a restoration of the industries of this country. At the same time he denounces the business men of the coun try and proposes a plan which he knows they are afraid of. The threat of free trade in the cam paign of '!- and in the election of 'Jfci, -frightened the business mind of the coun try, first into distrust aud.doubt and then into a panic, the effect of which is still on. The question above all others at this time is how to remove this business depression from the business mind. Mr. Bryan says that free coinage will revive the industries, but at the same time he admits that the business mind is against it and is afraid of it. The effect of this threat of free coinage is to make every capitalist hide his money, to make every banker afraid of investments, to make every dollar creep into the darkest corner of the safety vault, and by this process of money hiding and mouey hoarding which is now going on all over the United States, the circulating money of the country is disappearing from active use faster than all the government mints could coin new money if they were now under a free coinage law. Laboring men arc crowding around Mr. Bryan to hear his speeches and saany of them appear to be pleased with what he says. He talks kindly to the laboring man and his words are as sweet as honey. Ent the thinking labor in; man knows that so long as industry, that is, the mind force which is man aging industry, is afraid of free coinage, that an plans for the enlargement of In dustry or the employment of labor are suspended, pending the discussion of the money question, and that these plans wiU be taken up and carried into execu tion only when the business mind of the country is assured by the election of MeKinley that there is to be a sound business policy in the government of this nation. George Groot, chairman of the Nation al Silver party, shaking at Lincoln. Aeb., on September S. from the steps of the state capitol building, with Mr. Bryan sitting near him. denounced the bankers as the enemies of society, ami declared that the financiers of Wall street should be hung to the telegraph poles. On the evening of Seitember 7, in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin coln, Xeb.. Ignatius Donuellv of Min nesota denounced the bankers and the financiers of this country as the enemies of the people, enemies of prosperitv, and declared that their influence upon this country ought to be set aside. Now, what do the followers of Mr. Brvan ex pect to happen to the laboring men and to the farmers of this country, when they, by reason of their superior num ber, have voted out the banker and the business man and have voted in this cnew system of finance? What force will take the place of this business nund force when it has been displaced? When the country has struck down its present bankers, its present financiers, its present business men. its present managers of industries and commerce, when the common people by a majority vote have paralyzed this business power, what other force will take its place and form plans for the employment of labor, for the carrying on of commerce and for the management of all the indus trial forces which give vitality to the material body of the nation? On the afternoon of Seotember 8 in front, of the state, capitol building at LjbcoIb. Mr. Bryan, after denouncing ,ithe business clement of the countrv be cause it is against him in this contest, congratulated himself that the laboring men of the country believed in him and that enough of the farmers believed in him that these two elements united in this election would enable him to sweep the country in Xovcmber. This he char- ' f cteri,z Tic.tory of the people, because it will bring them better times. It may be very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he looks out into the faces of laboring men " and fanners who applaud such speeches asthis, bnt what reason haTe these la boring awn and farmers to expect bet ter times through the election of Mr. Bryan, when he himself admits that the business men of this nation regard his election as a menace to business and prosperity? Can you reTive business bv doing that which paralyzes the hope and courage of business men? When the industries of the nation revive, there must be some mind force in the countrv to bring it nbonj. There must also be capitalists who believe iu the future and who are ready to invest money. There must be banks and these banks must not only have funds, but they must be will ing to invest these funds, and they must believe and have confidence before they can consent. Mr. Bryan admits that they are not consenting now; will they consent after election? When Ignatkras Donnelly was de nouncing the bankers and the financiers as the enenucs of their country, in bis 1 FROM BRYAIfS TIAnf rl HUil (O.) News. r -- .' T T ' . someone ;isi;ed. Hat nl.n:t.ur. .-'.v-ali?" Donnelly replied. "I know noth ing of Mr. Sewall and I don't want any thing to do with him. If I had my w.iy he would come off "of that tickt in twenty-four houftSMr. Donnelly then went into n bit'trtlradi against vn!l bankers-and luTstaesainen in CPiicrs'.l. and the luborinsnien who heard hhn. applauded lusutteranceA-Xow it must have occurred, fe;tkejmorc thoughtful of these laboring aea'tmatjevery day's work and, every doUar.paMto 1lor must hrst I oe wvugin ,-outy aaa-pjsnaeti v yjme business mind.'' -Before labor can negiu in. any industry, there 'must be some thought force xuii, me., business judg ment wliich passes 'upon 'the plnus of that industry a and believes that it will succeed. There must he financiers, bankers and capitalists to consent nd their consent must lie based ujion the faith that the industry will succeed. If Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi talists and busiucss men, then they themselves might promise employment to labor. Or, if the plans proposed by Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were re ceiving the endorsement of the business judgment of others who have capital, then it might seem reasonable that free coinage might revive industry and briiu better times. Mr. Bryan and his corps of free silver orators constantly denounce idle capital. Mr. Bryau knows that idle capital is al ways the resujt of lack of confidence. He also knows that idle capital makes idle men. If one set of men have the capital and another set of men who are workers stand ready to be emplovcd by this capital, then there must be a condition of harmony between the neoplc who own the capital and the men who stand ready to go to woik or there will be no work. If a plan is proposed which makes capital afraid, and if the workers stand ready by their votes and their ma jorities to carry out this plan, then it is but natural that the men who control the capital, leiiig afraid of his new plan, will hoard their capital and keep it idle rather than risk it under conditions which they believe will be disastrous. Does it then avail anything to the labor ing man that this capital is denounced as the enemy of the country? Edisou was once a tailoring man. lntt is now a cap italist. When he was a laboring man his opinions and his plans were in a certain degree dependent uiwn the plans and the opinions of some one else. When Edi son was a laborer, employed in con structing machines, whether lie was em ployed or not depended upon his em ployer. If the employer found by experi ence that the work in which he wa en gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr. Edison lost his' job. Xow, Mr. Edison, having evolved by his own exertions out of a condition where he was a worker with his hands only, into a condition where he has become a great mind force which controls industry, is vastly more innortant to laltor than he was "liefore. Then he could consent to the employment of only one man, himself. Xow he can consent to the employment of thousands of men. and whether they are employed or not depends more iqiou his judgment than unon their own. The industries of the world, no matter who is employed in them.' have always liecn and always will be under the control and direction of niind. Majorities have nothing to do with it except as the majorities are in harmony with this miud force and have the approval of its judgment. Whether JiOO or 5000 men are -employed at the Burlington machines shops at Lin coln. Nebraska, during the next four years, depends not uimn the political judgment of the men who -are -emntoved in these machine shops, but upon the .business judgment of those who must fur nish money to pay for this labor. And this business judgment, looking always to the financial policy of the government for signs of business safety or of business danger, is inspired with confidence or is inspired with fear as it interprets the business prosperity of the future by the political conditions of the future. If this business mind sees hi the election of Bryan and cheap .money signs of future stagnation and depression, then it is but natural that it should keep the number of men employed to the very least iiossiblc limit. People who ride in the Burlington trains along by the town of Havelock near Lincoln where these machine shops are located, can see the signs of business depression and can interpret the doubt that is in the mind of the directors of the road, when they sec the side tracks lined with broken engines which the small force of men employed are not able to repair. If the laboring people of the East were at work today there would lie a market in these great centers of industrv m the Last for Xcbraska's food product, and then these great railroad svstcms w?nI? r"lnro every engine and everv ear which they own to be in repair and all the wheels would be kept rolling night and day carrying the great crops of Kan sas. Nebraska and Iowa to the food-consuming East. This condition would em ploy labor and irive v:itim tn f...-m n-.i nets. The whole theory of Western suc cess depends upon 'the activity of Eastern industry and the activity of Eastern in dustry depends upon the faith and confi dence of the Eastern business mind. A. hired man cannot be emplovcd upon a farm without the mnwnf f i. -.. er of the farm. "" -A cr?enter cannot vget employment without the consent of the builder who is engaged in building houses, and the builder cannot get the house to build without the consent of the men who have the money to build honses. In al!'in of industry the man who works witn his bands is dependent upon the man who works with his mind and in all countries the mind workers are th.. controllers of industry. When the mind workers and those who have the making of the plans for industry have confi dence that industry will be profitable then there is employment. William Jennings Bryan. and his plat form is a menace to industrv and Mr xry an knows it. xiie conviction is fast ened deep upon him and the leaders of his cause, that the thing which ther are trying to accomplish is against the busi ness judgment of the American people. They are condemned by the niiad work ers of the nation, and because ther realize this, they constantly appeal to class prejadiec. hoping that there are laborers and farmers who hate the busi ness men and the employers of labor, that when all these haters are organized into one great army there will be enough of them to carry this election for Mr. Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo rado, in whose interest his candidacr ex ists. Silver Dollars Are lgal Tender. ; Many of the "plain people" of the United States have wondered what is meant, when it is said that Congress in 1873 struck down one-half the monov in the country. The figure is forcible but somewhat obscure. The Denver Xews comes to the rescue. It savs: "By the legislation of 1873 the mints were not only closed to silver but the silver money of the country was demonetized: it was deprived of its legal tender quali ty. Thus the silver money of the coun try was struck down." The News is in error. Section 07 of the act ot 1873 contained a proviso that "this act shall not be construed to affect any act done, right accrued, or penalty incurred, under former acts, but every such right is saved." This language preserved the legal tender quality of the silver dollar, since the right to pay one's debts in silver dollars was one of the rights accrued under former acts, which nothing contained in the act was permit ted t dactra. how - to pat theaa together for the aaom-1 t speech in front of the Hotel- Lincoln: SOME PERTINENT BUT S iw a.fc- L2afS 'J UK 63 V&SrKXk W FX jfaHHaSBBBrBSa Al i V&EMWtlNl VBBBBBasTSBaSBBBBBBBBs! gayjlg nj 'iglaaHB"WMKSaYml 2 laLarfaATL bbbbwsbbbbbbbbbwbTM iPili SMsBsBsMsWisy SsfSiffif wSaaillV wmSSMm sSLr & uWsSmmM Ell BHB iePLm iPSnmHraaBiH xssrJmi JB i ansBBBBBBBBBsHHaasBsl YX? iaasssssassnlillll Lasal ' iRIaSafifiiW Mil aaaaaaBansaaaaaaaaaaaaaaan Usglpl' vyffittmwfSSSmMA mL!JMMM&iniammll assssnsssBM ICmDHlPHNCY. As he comes upon the stage and as the applause breaks forth he smiles. It is a pleased smile properly speaking, a grin. The grin of one to whom the yells of "Hurray fur Bill" and the ap plause of a ( gallery is food and drink and raiment. Applause, of what kind it does not matter, is what the na ture of the man thrives upon. The rec ognition of him as a great man, a hero, a deliverer cannot but make him smile. He appreciates the joke. He comiioses his features as he re members what is expected of him. His attitude at once suggests the hero of the melodrama the "tank show." He looks this way, then that, and then to ward the part of his audience from which comes the most hilarious demon stration. He grins again, as he thinks of his side of it. If the noise continues, he turns to those about him and smiles naively. But he is not afraid of it. The eyes glow nnd gratification shows in every movement, glance and action. He is introduced and stands erect and again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig nified acknowledgment in keeping with the honor to which the man aspires, but the smile of the magician to the audience that cheers because it is mystified. He raises a restraining band to hash the demonstration. The movement is grace ful, nothing more. Like every gesture be makes, it lacks strength. The hands are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause continues, he waits, posing as if for the camera. He is patient. A dignified statesman's very presence would com mand silence after the first burst of ap plause. It would not be necessary for the great man to wait until every un couth wit had made his joke, but this man lacks the dignity of the position. He plays for the gallery, and the gallery whistles, stamps and claims him for its very own. He begins his address with a weil turned sentence, which he knows will please his audience. In fact, from first to last, it is his effort by skillful re treats never to offend. He is capable of a fair flight in words, but at no time is he an orator. At no time does he bring a known fact to the notice of his hear ers; then an -argument, then one condi tion, and still another, and then, as a climax, as one indisputable, unanswera ble declaration, rounded and full, guard ed and protected by logic, launch it forth at his listeners. His flight of words alleged to be oratory are made to divert the mind from questioning his asser tions. He soars in an outburst, the ground work of which is as old as the human voice, to please the ear of his listeners and keep their thoughts on the wing. These flights appeal to 'all that is emotional. They are seldom original; they express no new thoughts, and they bear his traue marie, lie manes asser tions while the audience is under the in fluence of his heroics. He pours forth what he thinks, nnd declares it to be true, but when the time arrives in the course of his remarks when the facts to back his assertions should be heard, behold another flight in Fourth of July fireworks. Labor applauds itself, and this man knows it He recognizes that "sacrifice," "crucified," "down-trodden." "the peo ple," "sweat of the face." and similar words and phrases arouse in the ordinary audience an imperative desire to applaud. For logic he uses heroics, for argument words used by truly great men, but which no more apply to his subjest than to the crucifixion. He compares himself to the Man of Gallicc without a blush. He defies facts as Ajax did the light ning. He declares that something can be got out ef nothing: that a .miner will be able to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in to $1 and in the same breath insists that the miner will sell that metal to anyone who will buy it for 53 cents and give the buyer the chance to make that profit instead of himself. Why the miner will sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit, he explains by a highly colored account of a "crime" wliich has nailed "labor to a cross of gold." He refuses to believe that captital is of any use except to starve and grind down mankind. Insinuations, that every man should have more than enough in spite of his hibits, his drunkenness' or his improvi dence, he lavishes upon his hearers; Declarations, that ,a country is all wrong whfch gives every man who will work with head and hands a chance to be above those who will not, he belches forth in torrents. "My friends," he says, and advises those to whom he applies the term as a sane man would hesitate to advise his worst enemy. He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a panic, quotes the words of Christ as glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and having directed theeyes of his hearers upon a bubble which floats pleasingly about, he says: "I thank yon." Paul Armstrong. In all parts of the country women have organized campaign committees, working under the direction of the Woman's bu reau of the national Reanblican commit tee. They distribute literature and use their personal influence with husbands, brothers and other relatives to secure their votes for the good cause, paying eacecial attention to first voters. .- js RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN. 9 0li iW.TW;68 ' ft Miill Kj kirti.29 RU;i 6 A Farmers: "Say. 1VK. -.A' m V -- A Effects of Industrial Depression in Cities Brought Home in a Practical Way. STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER. Decrease in the Consumption of Food by Laborers Affects the Sale of Farm Products. A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in Kansas City, tells a story that is worth repeating for the excellent lesson which it teaches. In a certain town was a creamery. It gathered the cream from the farms within a radius of ten miles and manufactured about 400 pounds of butter per day. Beyond the limits of this circle from which cream was gath ered there were a number of farmers who desired to sell cream, but were not able to do so because the wagons from the creamery did not reach their farms. One day a delegation of these farmers called at the office of the creamery to consult the manager with reference to the enlargement of its business so as to include them and their neighbors. They explained to the manager that by send inc his teams a few miles farther in all directions he would double the quan tity of cream gathered, double the amount of butter produced and consequently double the profits of the creamery. The farmers were disappointed when they saw by the look on the manager's face that their proposition was not favorably received. There had been a great deal of gossip among the farmer patrons of the creamery that the price paid for cream was too low and that the profits of the concern were larger than they ought to be, and now theso farmers could not understand why a business which was making exorbitant profits should not be willing to enlarge itself, to double its output and consequently to double its profits. The manager explained that to enlarge the circle of their farmer patrons would require an additional number of men and teams to gather the cream, would require additional machinery and an en larged plant with more buttermakcrs and other operatives, all of which meant an additional investment of money in which he did not feel justified at this time. He explained that the price of butter was low. that thousands of laboring men in the cities being out of employment were not eating butter, but were buying oleomargarine and other cheap imita tions of butter, and because of all these discouraging circumstances he was unable to consider a proposition to enlarge the business of tnc creamery, ine manager went on to explain that a creamery in Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended upon 'the big cities for its customers. In small towns many of the people keep cows of their own. but in the big cities such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha. St. Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis and Chicago, where thousands of laboring men are gathered, the farmers find their best customers not only for dairy products but all the other food products of the farm. The families of these la boring men are extravagant caters and extravagant buyers of farm products when they have the money to buy with. When the laboring men in these eities are employed they consume vast quanti ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal,5 beef and poultry. The thousands of creameries in Kansas, Iowa and Xebraska had more orders for their product than they could supply before the Democratic panic stopped the industries in the cities and threw the laboring men out of work. In the last two years the demand for food nroducts have been less and less. showing that the families of the laboring men in the cities are growing more and more economical in their consumption of food. In a long conversation with the manager of the creamery, these farmers gathered the idea, as they had never understood it before, that the food-producing farm is dependent upon the food consuming city for its market and that the price of food and the demand for it depends upon the employment at good wage of the laboring people of the cities. This much the farmers had al ready understood in a general way, but they had never stopjied to realize the far more important truth, that the manage ment of'these great laboring employing industries devolves entirely upon the trained business minds of the heads of these industries whom the Popocratic or ators now denounce as plutocrats, and enemies of the common people. It is very fine s-ort for eloquent office-seeking politicians to denounce the men who manage the labor industries, to call them "plutocrats," "goldbugs." "robbers," "op pressors" and other offensive names, but after all these eloquent speeches have been delivered and after all this mis chievous talk has had its effect CREAMERY BON v mmv cents per Ounce cents hcrOuoicv tl Bivan. is alafel Cost'' Bill., tUi ,; hmfiT v . "" Chicago Tribune, August 26. upon the farmer mind, the truth, the great truth, still remains that the mind of the business man must origin ate all the plans for the employment of idle labor, and whether these industries are little by little enlarged each year, em ploying more and more men, or whether they are little by little narrowed each year, employing less and less men, de jiends, not upon the judgment or the po litical views of the men employed, but upon the judgment of the men who em ploy. When the farmers in the country and the laborers in the city suffer them selves to be led into some great national movement which the business mind be lieves is dangerous, then this business mind, iu order to protect the interests over which it presides, begins the process of narrowing its operations to suit the new conditions. A fanner may lielieve in free coinage and a laboring man may believe in free coinage, but if the business mind of the country on which both the fnrmir nnil the laboring man is dependent is afraid of free coinage, then the threat of free coinage, instead of breathing new life in to industry, strikes it with the paralysis of death. Every earnest thinkinc man in this country at this time, whether he be a farmer or a laborer, almve all things, above all party or personal preferences, desires to see the industries ofthe nation revived, because labor can find employ ment and farm produce find a market in no other way. When all the arguments have been ex hausted on both sides, the whole ques tion narrows into this proposition, that activity in industry is dependent iqion the confidence the business men have in the financial and tariff policy of the na tional government. Farmers may have confidence in some untried and catchy g reposition, and the laboring man may ave confidence and even be enthusias tic, but if the mind of the business man hesitates then industry languishes. A thousand laboring men may stand ready to go to work iu a factory. And the farmers may stand ready to provide these laboring men with food, but if the managers of the factory are afraid to start it, then it will not start. It may appear to these thousand Ialmrcrs and to these farmers that the managers of the factory are unreasonable, and 'hat they have more power in the nation than they ought to have, but the truth will remain forever, that mind, and not ma jorities, is the controlling force tpon which the industry of the nation depends and that the judgment of one trained business mind is worth more to a -om- imuuiy mau me judgment of manv mvn who work with their muscles on the farm and in the factorv. JONES' SILVER MINE. The present interest in anything relat ing to silver recalls James Russell Low ell's witty rhymes of twenty vears ago- A DIALOGUE. "Jones owns a silver mine" "Pray who is Jones? Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones owns! "Why. Jones Is Senator, and sa .ri-,i. To make ns bay his Insots all onr lives At a stiff premium on the market price. A sliver currency would be ho nice'" "What Is Jones' plan?" "A coinage." to be sure. To rise and fall with Wall street's tem pera tnte. Ton wish to treat the crowd; yonr dollar sntinks Undreamed oercentnms while they mix the "Jones mine's quicksilver, then?" "Tour wit won't pass: His coin's mercurial, but bis mine Is brass." "Jones owns" "Again: your Iteration's worse Than the slow tortnre of an echo-verse. 1 " teI y?" one th,nS Jon won't own that is. That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his." Cleveland World. He is Mistakes. In his speech at Springfield. O., on Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of "the nation's peasantiy." There are no peasants in this country, and the man who attempts to make such a class ification is unworthy the support of me iree American sovereigns. Everr man of today may be the poor tnan to morrow, and he who is not endowed with wealth at this moment may be a millionaire before the clow nf a .1. ade. This arraying of the people of the United States into classes is the most pernicious thing that has ever been attempted in this country, and the demagogues who are engaged in the un righteous attempt deserve the contempt into which they are sure to fall. Remember This. When Bourke Cockran, in his recent great speech in Xew York, uttered tho following sentence, he uttered a sentence which should be posted over the door of every honest laboring man, whether Re publican or Democrat, in this country: "I can take a $ 10 gold piece and defy all the power of all the governments of this earth to take 5 cents' value from it. I can go to the uttermost ends of the earth, and wherever I present it. its value will be unquestioned, unchallenged. That gold dollar the honest masses of this country, without distinction of party divisions, demand shall be paid the la borer when he earns it. and no power on earth shall cheat him ont of the sweat of his brow." Galesburg Evening MaiL iuau tn unuce huu no man is a peas ant. Tfjth the ballot in his hand, the voter ranks with Vnnrferhilt Tho ;). lMttjiiqay'(i)''of'rttcs-alx(t) of 4JM WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN, , Xeyer wasj there boforea7nrcs5ae"tfa',i campaign in which the women of1 the' country have taken such an active part -as in the present trusg!c, Inthrceat"ofthe,tUnionr"Wyo miug, Colorado, and Utabjvonien Jiave . the same voting privileges as men"; but1" feminine; interests hiftfae cnmiignrare by ho means jliouted tto those' states. i Intelligent J women till ove,th"e country seem to feel that" the contest has at? im- Sortant bearing upon the welfare of their ottseholds. They think that the cause of. protection nnd sound money is bound ' up with the" prosperity of the family, and they feel a great interest in the Re publican presidential candidate because of the nobility of his character and his devotion to his home life. The Woman's bureau is under the di rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well known orator and political writer of Des" Moines. la., for M?veral years president of the Woman's National Republican as sociation. The bureau is established in commodious quarters in the Auditorium Annex. Chicago, quite away from tho noise and activities of the national com mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided with every convenience, and assisted by. capable aids. The Woman's Republican association is composed of thinking, active women women intensely nliv to the beat inter ests of their country and homes. The Woman's association is not a suffrage association. Many of its members do not believe in suffrage at all. It is not a moral reform association, although many of its members are engaged iu the philanthropies and reforms which illu mine this decade of our national history. They do not seek to utilize the Repub lican association to advance any of these reforms. Its members arc simply, aad all the time. Republicans, laboring for the support of the principles of that party and for the election of its -candidates. Mrs. Foster's immediate associates and assistants in the work are women -of capabilities in various lines. Mrs. Thomas W. Chace. the general secre tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. L, and from there exercises a watchful care for the work in the Xew England states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac quaintance nnd is identified with' many great charities, philanthropies and soci eties, aside from her political duties. The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var wick Boswell of Xew York city, has su pervision over the headquarters of her state. located at 1473 Broadway. Miss Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per sonal visits among the women in the tenement districts of Xew York, for the purpose of showing the women the mean ing of the free coinage of silver and how it will affect the purchasing power of their dollars. She finds these women with well-defined views on the currency, question and ready to defend them, as they do in insisting that the voters in their- families shall maintain them at the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted a large number of young business women to help spread the doctrines of sound money and protection and to help secure votes for the Republican candidates. In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs. Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide experience in general business and news- J taper work in this country and in Eng and. Xext to her comes Hiss- Anna Brophy of Dubuque. la. Miss Brophy is not only valuable for her education and wide general knowledge, but because every piece of work which pa sets through her hands receives her critical attention ns to its correctness, its ac curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs. Foster after opening her headquarters, was to issue an appeal to the patriotic women of the country, urging them ta organize committees or clubs for study of the issues of the campaign, and to help promote the cause of national unity and protection. The responses have been most gratifying, coming ns they have from Oregon to Xew Jersey. These women are directed in their work of or ganizing and advised how to make their efforts effective. The weapons of the women are personal appeal and litera ture. These are used to convince the women that their own personal welfare, including the interests of children and of the home, are on the side of the Repub lican party. This conviction assured little doubt remains ns to how the vote influenced by these women will be cast. Free Wool and Free Silver. During the many weary months after the Wilson-t'orman tariff had given the death blow to the wool industry free trade journals assured their readers that the blow would not be fatal. In time the industry would revive. Considerable pru dence was manifested as to dates, but the? prediction was confident that in the course of time the industry would re cover from its paralysis. The Philadel phia Record was one of the most san guine of these free traders. That journal simply knew that its theories could not be wrong. Free wool must and would enable our manufacturers to recover the home market for woolen goods and grad ually get a good hold on the markets of the world. In a recent issue the Rec ord threw up the sponge. It admits that free wool is not stmng enough to carry free silver. Ine confidence with which it attributes the failure of its free wool theory to some other person's free silver theory would, if transferred to the money market, revive business even in these free trade times. Says the Record: "The distrust engendered by the sil ver craze has checked sales of manu factured goods, increased the percent age of idle mills nnd so narrowed the outlet and crippled the financial re sources of Eastern distributors of wool that the latter have practically ceased purchases of the staple in the country markets, and in many eases have re fused to make even reduced cash ad vances on consignments." The silver craze did not materialize until free wool had had nearly three years in wnicn to snow what It could do. During all that time the wool in dustry went from bad to worse. Xowj the people are asked to believe that free silver did all the mischief. St. Jo seph (Mo.) Herald. Give it to the Indians. "Let ns restore the conditions that ex isted prior to 1873." bays Mr. Teller. Very well; let us tear up all tr-2 rail roads that have been built since then; let us reduce the acreage of wheat and corn and cotton to what it was then: let ns send back to barbarism those parts of the world that have since been reclaimed to civilization; let us plug up the Rus sian oil wells nnd destroy the wheat fields of India and the Argentine: let us smooth over the hills of Leadvillc and Cripple Creek, and fill up the mines, aad reduce the production of silver from $170,000,000 a year to $i0.000.000: let ns kill off about 30,000.000 of our peoole, so as to make the nopnlation what it was in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our money, as we had then, and gold at a premium of ir cents or more on the dol lar in short, let us try to turn back the hand on time's dial, and make everybody as happy and wealthy as all the people are now alleged to have been before 1873. Colorado Springs Gazette. FIVE. oomi saen cum ara nMm fcy Any. UMtunlly. Ita lad. IftsLlTO. ioftaaWsrli. Ursthahiailtaf ish4ta 'aadlitsrat HTimOCXAJIla ! Chicago. ssdkv th psarasaa: icle triT (U) of taa tStl ot Neonate to said arttete a asvsse sctioa two CD te rsad wasssat ot aaysttref saas aad ta m. eoaaty fa wktafc to surfs wholly eotuUoa so to do toe aaority of law to tto ?sjm coaaty aa r. r a an jority at tto MMtty dloa dan six () of article onstitattoa of sa, prescrihiaff- rates shall be aacted by tto aiaaza: ka six ( of artiste aatttatloa of tto Stats natal to rsad aa fel- W s atoll to ay tones, or as asay to aroaaritot a; soorsor off voting to 3? 'A D. : 1 I tion i (2) of artieia fonx- V Coastitatioa of taa relative to donations tal inprovei it i I d aaaatsd by ii Asaraaca: ;tloa two CO offartMa Ooaatttnttoa off tto to eoaaty. town. her aabdmataa off take nnaatloaa to aay d baarovaaMai. or a aroaoaWoa ao to rat sabaaltUd to aba id nulled sy a two Iecttoa by aattortty of sack donations off a iwiwoaa off aaea -onto stall not s BSMmd - dcd. rarttor. That aay r. by a thraaffnartaa uuxabtedaeaa ave sor aaea tsa-aar eaat aad cea ot tadebtodaaas so . natesa tto aaase atoll oa a corwaeats and aadtior off is la lisaal paraaaat to .A.IX.lam ncretaiy of stata ( ka, do hereby certify jroposedi is i of tho Stata of V ad correct eoaisa of lied aad eagTossatl ftha Twoarj-foarth ilatnra of th Stale i appears a in this osnea, ; h of said profossd ,. submitted to taa if the Stata of Ns 4optioa or rejecMoa atioa to be held oa ay of November, A. tereof, I have and aJazad ths great f Nebraska. m this 17th day of f onr Lord, OaeTaoa red aad Niaaty-Sii, Mice of the Units indred aad Twenty tata the Thirtieth. J. A. PIPER, Secretary of State. ;assin, son or rax eat Market and leats- jishin Season. uket prices paid for I ENTH ST., NEBRASKA Saprtf rAKING! Rut, CaskatS M iktts at at kw it any out. EATiMTTSTGr BEST HEARSE JNTRY. ." S INSTITUTE cAvrorror to Habit . , 'OttlcHabHs. t at. jr sail aem Uiaa ceaaiy umwn iaCfopoaaa aftfey as sash A. d. task FrofMiaff aa r :t v : r a r 1 U tY & .' i-.. z Vt.AU WmmtmJm- MstaK llsStedSSSffltefi! -SSnaSESBBBBSB jSsauasmza -Sfc&cw'fc-' -SI."-,- k - - r ' - i-V -, .. " -V m . - . va r .-... ' 4: Hisfc E9ssn3B""MlaE5Mna'V'M,I"assjaapBanas'Baa sassajsjajca5saajfc.s; ;i - , ,J-j''a'i It S I Hll iTi.M. I I SOI I ." J J H Q-- - - m -Ti Jl ? kU-1UO - ' i ' jp - - -t -m ' mm i a j -rrwjr . ---.. .---- -- -.'-mT I ! I .