Nebraska Newspapers

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0lumbu$ Journal.
TALK ABOUT TKUST8.
THE MONEY QUESTION
IT IS SOMETHING LIKE THE YARD AND?
THE YARDSTICK.
ey. Those pieces ordered
CAMPAIGN SONG.
amk far BUI aad daafc.
bt a a. LAHurOKB.
TaCkkagaaad the East.
Passaagers going east for business, will
The Inter Ocean
according to contract, so many ounces
What'a the Matter with the Silver Miae
Sraakate?
The free silver orators have a great
deal to say about trusts and combines
and monopolies, as in some vague and
unexplained way illustrating the evils ot
to the yard at such and such a price.
But manufacturers soon found out that
if they give full weight of honest mate
rial, according to agreement, no profit
would result whatever. So, in order to
naturally gravitate to Chicago as th
--la Wauiac oT tae Graaa.1
great commarcial center.
Taa AMaocrata asay slag laeir
taalrauaa at woa.
Aadaa the ataaack Baaaaneaaa
re-visiting friends or relatives in the
astern states always desire to "take wn
Chicago ea route. AUdassesrt passen
gers will find that the "Short Line" of
the Chicago, Milwaukee k St Paul Bail.
Is the Most Popular Republic Ntwi
Oae Faadataeatal MWcaacepHa Tfcat
ftlts Wot and Hm tW Ustyst Citrrtatisay
TERMS BY MAIU
alas the Minds af Many Men St
make ends meet with more alacrity and
Bat whoa Kovaaabar daya akail coame.
AC. K. TURNER & CO.,
far a Standard Jfeasara af Yalaa -Past
nL"T!LL..VTL ."r1 t11a'aliiHi hHtuWn BUI McKlalay and, kmrrak
DesMcrata ataat fall.
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WEDNESDAY. SEPTEMBER 9
REPUIUCAN TICKE1
x For Preeideat:
william Mckinley;
of Ohio.
f
For Vice Preeideat:
GARRETT A. HOBARt
ot New Jersey. ."fJ
STATE TICKET.
Governor. JOHM5
Lieataaaat Governor. ORLAK
gscfeUrr of State JOS
'Aaditor. PETER CCf
Treasurer CHARLan
Sapt. Pab.Int HENRY B.
Attorney General. ..ARTHUR 8. CI
Coaa. Pab. Lands and Bldff .... H. C
Jadces Supreme Court.. fiosisr
Reseat State University... .. W. G. 1
Praaideatial Electors- j FRANK J.
at-Lmrge U. E. HOI
First District. A. J
Second District A.J
Third Diatnct..... ... .SO
Foarth District G
Fifth District J.L.J
Sixth District. M.)
Tiak
i
For Coacresaman Third Distinct,
ROSS L. HAMMOND.,
Sanatoria! Tiekat;
For SeaatorTwelfth District.SIDNI
Ceaaty Ticket.
For Representative GEORGf
For Coaaty Attorney C. 2
Thb funeral of Hon. A. J.
raa held at Omaha Saturday
A wateb-spotjt struck Sa
Texas, Sunday, causing grea
tion of property.
.. With McKinleii and
. tion we shull have more
: meut,
wages.
more work,
an
i
' : " The khedive of Egypt is r
. now making a tour of Europe
. and. that he has with him a i
Egyptian independence dr
. prominent native officials.
'. Ex-Pbesident Habbibox h
a noteworthy article on the Si
tion for the October numb
Fornax. It is probably the i
tribution to the discussion ye
: -- Lem J. Smith of Lincoln h
the campaign for Bentley.
' that the government has nej
to monetize gold and silv"
, monetize wheat, and he ten
currency a relic of barbarisa
2
" Majob Mc KiNLET,literally
. the stump from now to the?
I. campaign. The people have la
to him right along and yes
stump was expressed to his
' . n oooeo admirer. Canton Be
' "The American Ballot" is J
a forceful and suggestive pt
October Forum by the Hoc
Lush, ex-member of the Nt
Legislature. Mr. Lusk del
. workings of the Australian j
declares that the system not
this country is nothing like i'
The Mount Holyoke oollef
'Hadley, Masa, the pioneer
for the higher education ot
oeived a severe blow Sunda
in the burning of the mail
,with a probable loss of SIS
buildings destroyed cost St
bmildings and contents were
$154,000. j
"Free trade and free
silt
fake friends of labor.
The:
promise of cheap commoditiei
money. The partial trial of
has proved that the cheap o
promised are dear to labor 1
cost of labor; and cheap ma
equally dear to them and a
their highest and best inter
. liam'McKinley. - I
The handsome increase
Reed's majority in his re-elec
-greasiaa flattering endoreet
aan and all he represents, i
thing that a man of even his
a&ay be proad of, but the Trt
that when MeKinley makes
iaet he will find a place i
"gentleman who has so mat
sot only in his own state, b
oat the nation. Fremont 1
- Mb. Powdbbxy put the tat
in a nutshell when he sail
York speech: "It sounds I
amy that the world is my t)
all saen are my brotheii
preservation is the first lai
as well as of nature." Th
an individual, must live am
debts, and there is no hoof
aaewoa tnan to ux imports
i labor. Inter Ocean.
DuBBia the month of
shown by the official rep
director of the mint, there
2&e,000 silver dollars, aim
capacity oi the mints. On t
the government (which of c
whole body of the people) re!
ft f $822,027, by reason oi
an between the ballioa t
silver and the valae as it ij
atamped by the governafteat
ft, under the system prop
Itrvaa sartv. woald have bt
ta the prodaoers of stiver bsl
fMBw,toallthe
t'ra,it "
m
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Political Uote3 and Observations
from the Popocrat Candi
date's Own City.
HPIAT FORM " ANALYZED.
A Constant . Appeal to Class Preju-
.tlice in the Interest of Sil-
ver Mine Owners.
Business men are studying the money
question. Mr. Bryan h:is seen fit to
tell his audiences over and over again
that the business men of the country aie
against free silver partly because they
don't know anything about the question
and partly because they are diohoiiest.
In this Mr. Bryan misleads his follow
ers and misrepresents the business men.
It may be true that what is called free
silver agitation started fir.t among the
farmers rather than among the busiue.ss
men, but later the business men have
read the free-silver literature, have read
both sides of the question, until at the
present time the business men of the
nation are thoroughly informed from a
bnsine. standpoint and from a nonpar
tisan standpoint on the money question.
It is probably true that the politicians
that oppose silver are moved by prejudice
and self-interest to a certain degree just
as the politicians who favor free silver
are moved by tlf-intcrest to a certain
degree; but the business men, the men
who are managing the business concerns
of the country, the bankers, and the
financiers have made it a part of their
business to read up on the money ques
tion, to become thoroughly informed, and
they have packed upon the question from
a business and not lroni a political stand
point. Mr. Bryan, recognizing the mor
al force of the biiMiie.s judgment of the
country and knowing that this business
judgment condemns free coinage as a
dangerous thing, seeks to discredit the
business mind of the country by denounc
ing it as ignorant and dishonest on the
money question. Mr. Bryan professes
to desire a restoration of the industries
of this country. At the same time he
denounces the business men of the coun
try and proposes a plan which he knows
they are afraid of.
The threat of free trade in the cam
paign of '!- and in the election of 'Jfci,
-frightened the business mind of the coun
try, first into distrust aud.doubt and then
into a panic, the effect of which is still
on. The question above all others at
this time is how to remove this business
depression from the business mind. Mr.
Bryan says that free coinage will revive
the industries, but at the same time he
admits that the business mind is against
it and is afraid of it. The effect of this
threat of free coinage is to make every
capitalist hide his money, to make every
banker afraid of investments, to make
every dollar creep into the darkest corner
of the safety vault, and by this process of
money hiding and mouey hoarding which
is now going on all over the United
States, the circulating money of the
country is disappearing from active use
faster than all the government mints
could coin new money if they were now
under a free coinage law.
Laboring men arc crowding around
Mr. Bryan to hear his speeches and
saany of them appear to be pleased
with what he says. He talks kindly to
the laboring man and his words are as
sweet as honey. Ent the thinking labor
in; man knows that so long as industry,
that is, the mind force which is man
aging industry, is afraid of free coinage,
that an plans for the enlargement of In
dustry or the employment of labor are
suspended, pending the discussion of
the money question, and that these plans
wiU be taken up and carried into execu
tion only when the business mind of
the country is assured by the election of
MeKinley that there is to be a sound
business policy in the government of this
nation.
George Groot, chairman of the Nation
al Silver party, shaking at Lincoln.
Aeb., on September S. from the steps of
the state capitol building, with Mr.
Bryan sitting near him. denounced the
bankers as the enemies of society, ami
declared that the financiers of Wall
street should be hung to the telegraph
poles. On the evening of Seitember 7,
in front of the Hotel Lincoln, in Lin
coln, Xeb.. Ignatius Donuellv of Min
nesota denounced the bankers and the
financiers of this country as the enemies
of the people, enemies of prosperitv,
and declared that their influence upon
this country ought to be set aside. Now,
what do the followers of Mr. Brvan ex
pect to happen to the laboring men and
to the farmers of this country, when
they, by reason of their superior num
ber, have voted out the banker and the
business man and have voted in this
cnew system of finance? What force
will take the place of this business
nund force when it has been displaced?
When the country has struck down its
present bankers, its present financiers,
its present business men. its present
managers of industries and commerce,
when the common people by a majority
vote have paralyzed this business power,
what other force will take its place
and form plans for the employment of
labor, for the carrying on of commerce
and for the management of all the indus
trial forces which give vitality to the
material body of the nation?
On the afternoon of Seotember 8 in
front, of the state, capitol building at
LjbcoIb. Mr. Bryan, after denouncing
,ithe business clement of the countrv be
cause it is against him in this contest,
congratulated himself that the laboring
men of the country believed in him and
that enough of the farmers believed in
him that these two elements united in
this election would enable him to sweep
the country in Xovcmber. This he char-
' f cteri,z Tic.tory of the people, because
it will bring them better times. It may
be very pleasing to Mr. Bryan when he
looks out into the faces of laboring men
" and fanners who applaud such speeches
asthis, bnt what reason haTe these la
boring awn and farmers to expect bet
ter times through the election of Mr.
Bryan, when he himself admits that the
business men of this nation regard his
election as a menace to business and
prosperity? Can you reTive business bv
doing that which paralyzes the hope and
courage of business men? When the
industries of the nation revive, there
must be some mind force in the countrv
to bring it nbonj. There must also be
capitalists who believe iu the future and
who are ready to invest money. There
must be banks and these banks must not
only have funds, but they must be will
ing to invest these funds, and they must
believe and have confidence before they
can consent. Mr. Bryan admits that
they are not consenting now; will they
consent after election?
When Ignatkras Donnelly was de
nouncing the bankers and the financiers
as the enenucs of their country, in bis
1
FROM
BRYAIfS
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(O.) News.
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someone ;isi;ed. Hat nl.n:t.ur. .-'.v-ali?"
Donnelly replied. "I know noth
ing of Mr. Sewall and I don't want any
thing to do with him. If I had my w.iy
he would come off "of that tickt in
twenty-four houftSMr. Donnelly then
went into n bit'trtlradi against vn!l
bankers-and luTstaesainen in CPiicrs'.l.
and the luborinsnien who heard hhn.
applauded lusutteranceA-Xow it must
have occurred, fe;tkejmorc thoughtful of
these laboring aea'tmatjevery day's work
and, every doUar.paMto 1lor must hrst I
oe wvugin ,-outy aaa-pjsnaeti v yjme
business mind.'' -Before labor can negiu
in. any industry, there 'must be some
thought force xuii, me., business judg
ment wliich passes 'upon 'the plnus of
that industry a and believes that it will
succeed. There must he financiers,
bankers and capitalists to consent nd
their consent must lie based ujion the
faith that the industry will succeed. If
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were capi
talists and busiucss men, then they
themselves might promise employment
to labor. Or, if the plans proposed by
Mr. Donnelly and Mr. Bryan were re
ceiving the endorsement of the business
judgment of others who have capital,
then it might seem reasonable that free
coinage might revive industry and briiu
better times.
Mr. Bryan and his corps of free silver
orators constantly denounce idle capital.
Mr. Bryau knows that idle capital is al
ways the resujt of lack of confidence.
He also knows that idle capital makes
idle men. If one set of men have the
capital and another set of men who
are workers stand ready to be emplovcd
by this capital, then there must be a
condition of harmony between the neoplc
who own the capital and the men who
stand ready to go to woik or there will
be no work. If a plan is proposed which
makes capital afraid, and if the workers
stand ready by their votes and their ma
jorities to carry out this plan, then it is
but natural that the men who control
the capital, leiiig afraid of his new plan,
will hoard their capital and keep it idle
rather than risk it under conditions
which they believe will be disastrous.
Does it then avail anything to the labor
ing man that this capital is denounced
as the enemy of the country? Edisou was
once a tailoring man. lntt is now a cap
italist. When he was a laboring man his
opinions and his plans were in a certain
degree dependent uiwn the plans and the
opinions of some one else. When Edi
son was a laborer, employed in con
structing machines, whether lie was em
ployed or not depended upon his em
ployer. If the employer found by experi
ence that the work in which he wa en
gaged was unprofitable to him. then Mr.
Edison lost his' job. Xow, Mr. Edison,
having evolved by his own exertions out
of a condition where he was a worker
with his hands only, into a condition
where he has become a great mind force
which controls industry, is vastly more
innortant to laltor than he was "liefore.
Then he could consent to the employment
of only one man, himself. Xow he can
consent to the employment of thousands
of men. and whether they are employed
or not depends more iqiou his judgment
than unon their own. The industries of
the world, no matter who is employed in
them.' have always liecn and always will
be under the control and direction of
niind. Majorities have nothing to do
with it except as the majorities are in
harmony with this miud force and have
the approval of its judgment.
Whether JiOO or 5000 men are -employed
at the Burlington machines shops at Lin
coln. Nebraska, during the next four
years, depends not uimn the political
judgment of the men who -are -emntoved
in these machine shops, but upon the
.business judgment of those who must fur
nish money to pay for this labor. And
this business judgment, looking always to
the financial policy of the government for
signs of business safety or of business
danger, is inspired with confidence or is
inspired with fear as it interprets the
business prosperity of the future by the
political conditions of the future. If this
business mind sees hi the election of
Bryan and cheap .money signs of future
stagnation and depression, then it is but
natural that it should keep the number of
men employed to the very least iiossiblc
limit. People who ride in the Burlington
trains along by the town of Havelock
near Lincoln where these machine shops
are located, can see the signs of business
depression and can interpret the doubt
that is in the mind of the directors of the
road, when they sec the side tracks lined
with broken engines which the small
force of men employed are not able to
repair. If the laboring people of the East
were at work today there would lie a
market in these great centers of industrv
m the Last for Xcbraska's food product,
and then these great railroad svstcms
w?nI? r"lnro every engine and everv ear
which they own to be in repair and all
the wheels would be kept rolling night
and day carrying the great crops of Kan
sas. Nebraska and Iowa to the food-consuming
East. This condition would em
ploy labor and irive v:itim tn f...-m n-.i
nets. The whole theory of Western suc
cess depends upon 'the activity of Eastern
industry and the activity of Eastern in
dustry depends upon the faith and confi
dence of the Eastern business mind.
A. hired man cannot be emplovcd upon
a farm without the mnwnf f i. -..
er of the farm. ""
-A cr?enter cannot vget employment
without the consent of the builder who
is engaged in building houses, and the
builder cannot get the house to build
without the consent of the men who
have the money to build honses. In
al!'in of industry the man who works
witn his bands is dependent upon the
man who works with his mind and in
all countries the mind workers are th..
controllers of industry. When the mind
workers and those who have the making
of the plans for industry have confi
dence that industry will be profitable
then there is employment.
William Jennings Bryan. and his plat
form is a menace to industrv and Mr
xry an knows it. xiie conviction is fast
ened deep upon him and the leaders of
his cause, that the thing which ther are
trying to accomplish is against the busi
ness judgment of the American people.
They are condemned by the niiad work
ers of the nation, and because ther
realize this, they constantly appeal to
class prejadiec. hoping that there are
laborers and farmers who hate the busi
ness men and the employers of labor,
that when all these haters are organized
into one great army there will be enough
of them to carry this election for Mr.
Bryan and for the mine owners of Colo
rado, in whose interest his candidacr ex
ists. Silver Dollars Are lgal Tender. ;
Many of the "plain people" of the
United States have wondered what is
meant, when it is said that Congress in
1873 struck down one-half the monov
in the country. The figure is forcible
but somewhat obscure. The Denver
Xews comes to the rescue. It savs: "By
the legislation of 1873 the mints were
not only closed to silver but the silver
money of the country was demonetized:
it was deprived of its legal tender quali
ty. Thus the silver money of the coun
try was struck down."
The News is in error. Section 07 of
the act ot 1873 contained a proviso that
"this act shall not be construed to affect
any act done, right accrued, or penalty
incurred, under former acts, but every
such right is saved." This language
preserved the legal tender quality of the
silver dollar, since the right to pay one's
debts in silver dollars was one of the
rights accrued under former acts, which
nothing contained in the act was permit
ted t dactra.
how - to pat theaa together for the aaom-1
t speech in front of the Hotel- Lincoln:
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ICmDHlPHNCY.
As he comes upon the stage and as the
applause breaks forth he smiles. It
is a pleased smile properly speaking, a
grin. The grin of one to whom the
yells of "Hurray fur Bill" and the ap
plause of a ( gallery is food and drink
and raiment. Applause, of what kind
it does not matter, is what the na
ture of the man thrives upon. The rec
ognition of him as a great man, a hero,
a deliverer cannot but make him smile.
He appreciates the joke.
He comiioses his features as he re
members what is expected of him. His
attitude at once suggests the hero of
the melodrama the "tank show." He
looks this way, then that, and then to
ward the part of his audience from
which comes the most hilarious demon
stration. He grins again, as he thinks
of his side of it. If the noise continues,
he turns to those about him and smiles
naively. But he is not afraid of it.
The eyes glow nnd gratification shows
in every movement, glance and action.
He is introduced and stands erect and
again grins. It is not the pleasing, dig
nified acknowledgment in keeping with
the honor to which the man aspires, but
the smile of the magician to the audience
that cheers because it is mystified. He
raises a restraining band to hash the
demonstration. The movement is grace
ful, nothing more. Like every gesture
be makes, it lacks strength. The hands
are weak, hopelessly so. If the applause
continues, he waits, posing as if for the
camera. He is patient. A dignified
statesman's very presence would com
mand silence after the first burst of ap
plause. It would not be necessary for
the great man to wait until every un
couth wit had made his joke, but this
man lacks the dignity of the position.
He plays for the gallery, and the gallery
whistles, stamps and claims him for its
very own.
He begins his address with a weil
turned sentence, which he knows will
please his audience. In fact, from first
to last, it is his effort by skillful re
treats never to offend. He is capable of
a fair flight in words, but at no time is
he an orator. At no time does he bring
a known fact to the notice of his hear
ers; then an -argument, then one condi
tion, and still another, and then, as a
climax, as one indisputable, unanswera
ble declaration, rounded and full, guard
ed and protected by logic, launch it forth
at his listeners. His flight of words
alleged to be oratory are made to divert
the mind from questioning his asser
tions. He soars in an outburst, the
ground work of which is as old as the
human voice, to please the ear of his
listeners and keep their thoughts on the
wing. These flights appeal to 'all that
is emotional. They are seldom original;
they express no new thoughts, and they
bear his traue marie, lie manes asser
tions while the audience is under the in
fluence of his heroics. He pours forth
what he thinks, nnd declares it to be
true, but when the time arrives in the
course of his remarks when the facts to
back his assertions should be heard,
behold another flight in Fourth of July
fireworks.
Labor applauds itself, and this man
knows it He recognizes that "sacrifice,"
"crucified," "down-trodden." "the peo
ple," "sweat of the face." and similar
words and phrases arouse in the ordinary
audience an imperative desire to applaud.
For logic he uses heroics, for argument
words used by truly great men, but
which no more apply to his subjest than
to the crucifixion.
He compares himself to the Man of
Gallicc without a blush.
He defies facts as Ajax did the light
ning. He declares that something can be got
out ef nothing: that a .miner will be able
to get 53 cents' worth of metal coined in
to $1 and in the same breath insists that
the miner will sell that metal to anyone
who will buy it for 53 cents and give the
buyer the chance to make that profit
instead of himself. Why the miner will
sell at 53 cents and lose the coined profit,
he explains by a highly colored account
of a "crime" wliich has nailed "labor to
a cross of gold."
He refuses to believe that captital is of
any use except to starve and grind down
mankind.
Insinuations, that every man should
have more than enough in spite of his
hibits, his drunkenness' or his improvi
dence, he lavishes upon his hearers;
Declarations, that ,a country is all
wrong whfch gives every man who will
work with head and hands a chance to
be above those who will not, he belches
forth in torrents.
"My friends," he says, and advises
those to whom he applies the term as a
sane man would hesitate to advise his
worst enemy.
He distributes chaff, coolly predicts a
panic, quotes the words of Christ as
glibly as the rowdy uses his name, and
having directed theeyes of his hearers
upon a bubble which floats pleasingly
about, he says: "I thank yon."
Paul Armstrong.
In all parts of the country women have
organized campaign committees, working
under the direction of the Woman's bu
reau of the national Reanblican commit
tee. They distribute literature and use
their personal influence with husbands,
brothers and other relatives to secure
their votes for the good cause, paying
eacecial attention to first voters.
.- js
RATHER EMBARRASSING QUESTIONS FOR MR. BRYAN.
9 0li iW.TW;68
' ft Miill Kj kirti.29
RU;i 6 A
Farmers: "Say.
1VK. -.A'
m
V --
A
Effects of Industrial Depression in
Cities Brought Home in
a Practical Way.
STORY OF A KANSAS FARMER.
Decrease in the Consumption of Food
by Laborers Affects the Sale
of Farm Products.
A stock-feeder of Kansas, recently in
Kansas City, tells a story that is worth
repeating for the excellent lesson which
it teaches. In a certain town was a
creamery. It gathered the cream from
the farms within a radius of ten miles
and manufactured about 400 pounds of
butter per day. Beyond the limits of
this circle from which cream was gath
ered there were a number of farmers
who desired to sell cream, but were not
able to do so because the wagons from
the creamery did not reach their farms.
One day a delegation of these farmers
called at the office of the creamery to
consult the manager with reference to
the enlargement of its business so as to
include them and their neighbors. They
explained to the manager that by send
inc his teams a few miles farther in
all directions he would double the quan
tity of cream gathered, double the amount
of butter produced and consequently
double the profits of the creamery. The
farmers were disappointed when they
saw by the look on the manager's face
that their proposition was not favorably
received. There had been a great deal
of gossip among the farmer patrons of
the creamery that the price paid for
cream was too low and that the profits
of the concern were larger than they
ought to be, and now theso farmers
could not understand why a business
which was making exorbitant profits
should not be willing to enlarge itself, to
double its output and consequently to
double its profits.
The manager explained that to enlarge
the circle of their farmer patrons would
require an additional number of men
and teams to gather the cream, would
require additional machinery and an en
larged plant with more buttermakcrs
and other operatives, all of which
meant an additional investment of
money in which he did not feel justified
at this time.
He explained that the price of butter
was low. that thousands of laboring men
in the cities being out of employment
were not eating butter, but were buying
oleomargarine and other cheap imita
tions of butter, and because of all these
discouraging circumstances he was unable
to consider a proposition to enlarge the
business of tnc creamery, ine manager
went on to explain that a creamery in
Kansas, Nebraska or Iowa depended
upon 'the big cities for its customers.
In small towns many of the people keep
cows of their own. but in the big cities
such as Denver, Kansas City, Omaha.
St. Louis, St. Paul, Minneapolis and
Chicago, where thousands of laboring
men are gathered, the farmers find
their best customers not only for dairy
products but all the other food products
of the farm. The families of these la
boring men are extravagant caters and
extravagant buyers of farm products
when they have the money to buy with.
When the laboring men in these eities
are employed they consume vast quanti
ties of butter, eggs, flour, meal,5 beef and
poultry. The thousands of creameries
in Kansas, Iowa and Xebraska had
more orders for their product than they
could supply before the Democratic
panic stopped the industries in the cities
and threw the laboring men out of work.
In the last two years the demand for
food nroducts have been less and less.
showing that the families of the laboring
men in the cities are growing more and
more economical in their consumption of
food. In a long conversation with the
manager of the creamery, these farmers
gathered the idea, as they had never
understood it before, that the food-producing
farm is dependent upon the food
consuming city for its market and that
the price of food and the demand for it
depends upon the employment at good
wage of the laboring people of the
cities. This much the farmers had al
ready understood in a general way, but
they had never stopjied to realize the far
more important truth, that the manage
ment of'these great laboring employing
industries devolves entirely upon the
trained business minds of the heads of
these industries whom the Popocratic or
ators now denounce as plutocrats, and
enemies of the common people. It is
very fine s-ort for eloquent office-seeking
politicians to denounce the men who
manage the labor industries, to call them
"plutocrats," "goldbugs." "robbers," "op
pressors" and other offensive names, but
after all these eloquent speeches have
been delivered and after all this mis
chievous talk has had its effect
CREAMERY
BON
v mmv
cents per Ounce
cents hcrOuoicv tl Bivan. is alafel
Cost''
Bill.,
tUi ,; hmfiT v
. ""
Chicago Tribune, August 26.
upon the farmer mind, the truth,
the great truth, still remains that
the mind of the business man must origin
ate all the plans for the employment of
idle labor, and whether these industries
are little by little enlarged each year, em
ploying more and more men, or whether
they are little by little narrowed each
year, employing less and less men, de
jiends, not upon the judgment or the po
litical views of the men employed, but
upon the judgment of the men who em
ploy. When the farmers in the country
and the laborers in the city suffer them
selves to be led into some great national
movement which the business mind be
lieves is dangerous, then this business
mind, iu order to protect the interests over
which it presides, begins the process of
narrowing its operations to suit the new
conditions.
A fanner may lielieve in free coinage
and a laboring man may believe in free
coinage, but if the business mind of the
country on which both the fnrmir nnil
the laboring man is dependent is afraid of
free coinage, then the threat of free
coinage, instead of breathing new life in
to industry, strikes it with the paralysis
of death.
Every earnest thinkinc man in this
country at this time, whether he be a
farmer or a laborer, almve all things,
above all party or personal preferences,
desires to see the industries ofthe nation
revived, because labor can find employ
ment and farm produce find a market in
no other way.
When all the arguments have been ex
hausted on both sides, the whole ques
tion narrows into this proposition, that
activity in industry is dependent iqion
the confidence the business men have in
the financial and tariff policy of the na
tional government. Farmers may have
confidence in some untried and catchy
g reposition, and the laboring man may
ave confidence and even be enthusias
tic, but if the mind of the business man
hesitates then industry languishes. A
thousand laboring men may stand ready
to go to work iu a factory. And the
farmers may stand ready to provide
these laboring men with food, but if the
managers of the factory are afraid to
start it, then it will not start. It may
appear to these thousand Ialmrcrs and
to these farmers that the managers of
the factory are unreasonable, and 'hat
they have more power in the nation than
they ought to have, but the truth will
remain forever, that mind, and not ma
jorities, is the controlling force tpon
which the industry of the nation depends
and that the judgment of one trained
business mind is worth more to a -om-
imuuiy mau me judgment of manv mvn
who work with their muscles on the
farm and in the factorv.
JONES' SILVER MINE.
The present interest in anything relat
ing to silver recalls James Russell Low
ell's witty rhymes of twenty vears ago-
A DIALOGUE.
"Jones owns a silver mine" "Pray who
is Jones?
Don't vex my ears with horrors like Jones
owns!
"Why. Jones Is Senator, and sa .ri-,i.
To make ns bay his Insots all onr lives
At a stiff premium on the market price.
A sliver currency would be ho nice'"
"What Is Jones' plan?" "A coinage." to be
sure.
To rise and fall with Wall street's tem
pera tnte.
Ton wish to treat the crowd; yonr dollar
sntinks
Undreamed oercentnms while they mix the
"Jones mine's quicksilver, then?" "Tour
wit won't pass:
His coin's mercurial, but bis mine Is brass."
"Jones owns" "Again: your Iteration's
worse
Than the slow tortnre of an echo-verse.
1 " teI y?" one th,nS Jon won't own
that is.
That the cat hid beneath the meal Is his."
Cleveland World.
He is Mistakes.
In his speech at Springfield. O., on
Wednesday, Candidate Bryan spoke of
"the nation's peasantiy." There are
no peasants in this country, and the
man who attempts to make such a class
ification is unworthy the support of
me iree American sovereigns. Everr
man of today may be the poor tnan to
morrow, and he who is not endowed
with wealth at this moment may be a
millionaire before the clow nf a .1.
ade. This arraying of the people of
the United States into classes is the
most pernicious thing that has ever been
attempted in this country, and the
demagogues who are engaged in the un
righteous attempt deserve the contempt
into which they are sure to fall.
Remember This.
When Bourke Cockran, in his recent
great speech in Xew York, uttered tho
following sentence, he uttered a sentence
which should be posted over the door of
every honest laboring man, whether Re
publican or Democrat, in this country:
"I can take a $ 10 gold piece and defy all
the power of all the governments of this
earth to take 5 cents' value from it.
I can go to the uttermost ends of the
earth, and wherever I present it. its
value will be unquestioned, unchallenged.
That gold dollar the honest masses of
this country, without distinction of party
divisions, demand shall be paid the la
borer when he earns it. and no power
on earth shall cheat him ont of the
sweat of his brow." Galesburg Evening
MaiL
iuau tn unuce huu no man is a peas
ant. Tfjth the ballot in his hand, the
voter ranks with Vnnrferhilt Tho ;).
lMttjiiqay'(i)''of'rttcs-alx(t) of 4JM
WOMAN'S WORK IN THE CAMPAIGN,
, Xeyer wasj there boforea7nrcs5ae"tfa',i
campaign in which the women of1 the'
country have taken such an active part -as
in the present trusg!c,
Inthrceat"ofthe,tUnionr"Wyo
miug, Colorado, and Utabjvonien Jiave .
the same voting privileges as men"; but1"
feminine; interests hiftfae cnmiignrare
by ho means jliouted tto those' states. i
Intelligent J women till ove,th"e country
seem to feel that" the contest has at? im-
Sortant bearing upon the welfare of their
ottseholds. They think that the cause
of. protection nnd sound money is bound '
up with the" prosperity of the family,
and they feel a great interest in the Re
publican presidential candidate because
of the nobility of his character and his
devotion to his home life.
The Woman's bureau is under the di
rection of Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, the well
known orator and political writer of Des"
Moines. la., for M?veral years president
of the Woman's National Republican as
sociation. The bureau is established in
commodious quarters in the Auditorium
Annex. Chicago, quite away from tho
noise and activities of the national com
mittee, where Mrs. Foster is provided
with every convenience, and assisted by.
capable aids.
The Woman's Republican association
is composed of thinking, active women
women intensely nliv to the beat inter
ests of their country and homes. The
Woman's association is not a suffrage
association. Many of its members do
not believe in suffrage at all. It is not
a moral reform association, although
many of its members are engaged iu the
philanthropies and reforms which illu
mine this decade of our national history.
They do not seek to utilize the Repub
lican association to advance any of these
reforms. Its members arc simply, aad
all the time. Republicans, laboring for
the support of the principles of that
party and for the election of its -candidates.
Mrs. Foster's immediate associates
and assistants in the work are women
-of capabilities in various lines. Mrs.
Thomas W. Chace. the general secre
tary, resides in East Greenwich, R. L,
and from there exercises a watchful
care for the work in the Xew England
states. Mrs. Chace has an extensive ac
quaintance nnd is identified with' many
great charities, philanthropies and soci
eties, aside from her political duties.
The national treasurer. Miss Helen Var
wick Boswell of Xew York city, has su
pervision over the headquarters of her
state. located at 1473 Broadway. Miss
Boswell has inaugurated the plan of per
sonal visits among the women in the
tenement districts of Xew York, for the
purpose of showing the women the mean
ing of the free coinage of silver and how
it will affect the purchasing power of
their dollars. She finds these women
with well-defined views on the currency,
question and ready to defend them, as
they do in insisting that the voters in
their- families shall maintain them at
the polls. Miss Boswell has enlisted a
large number of young business women
to help spread the doctrines of sound
money and protection and to help secure
votes for the Republican candidates.
In the Chicago headquarters Mrs. Fos
ter's chief assistant and secretary is Mrs.
Alice Rosseter Willard, who has wide
experience in general business and news-
J taper work in this country and in Eng
and. Xext to her comes Hiss- Anna
Brophy of Dubuque. la. Miss Brophy
is not only valuable for her education
and wide general knowledge, but because
every piece of work which pa sets
through her hands receives her critical
attention ns to its correctness, its ac
curacy. Miss Brophy is chief stenog
rapher. Almost the first thing done by Mrs.
Foster after opening her headquarters,
was to issue an appeal to the patriotic
women of the country, urging them ta
organize committees or clubs for study
of the issues of the campaign, and to
help promote the cause of national unity
and protection. The responses have been
most gratifying, coming ns they have
from Oregon to Xew Jersey. These
women are directed in their work of or
ganizing and advised how to make their
efforts effective. The weapons of the
women are personal appeal and litera
ture. These are used to convince the
women that their own personal welfare,
including the interests of children and of
the home, are on the side of the Repub
lican party. This conviction assured
little doubt remains ns to how the vote
influenced by these women will be cast.
Free Wool and Free Silver.
During the many weary months after
the Wilson-t'orman tariff had given the
death blow to the wool industry free
trade journals assured their readers that
the blow would not be fatal. In time the
industry would revive. Considerable pru
dence was manifested as to dates, but the?
prediction was confident that in the
course of time the industry would re
cover from its paralysis. The Philadel
phia Record was one of the most san
guine of these free traders. That journal
simply knew that its theories could not
be wrong. Free wool must and would
enable our manufacturers to recover the
home market for woolen goods and grad
ually get a good hold on the markets
of the world. In a recent issue the Rec
ord threw up the sponge. It admits that
free wool is not stmng enough to carry
free silver. Ine confidence with which
it attributes the failure of its free wool
theory to some other person's free silver
theory would, if transferred to the money
market, revive business even in these free
trade times. Says the Record:
"The distrust engendered by the sil
ver craze has checked sales of manu
factured goods, increased the percent
age of idle mills nnd so narrowed the
outlet and crippled the financial re
sources of Eastern distributors of wool
that the latter have practically ceased
purchases of the staple in the country
markets, and in many eases have re
fused to make even reduced cash ad
vances on consignments."
The silver craze did not materialize
until free wool had had nearly three
years in wnicn to snow what It could
do. During all that time the wool in
dustry went from bad to worse. Xowj
the people are asked to believe that
free silver did all the mischief. St. Jo
seph (Mo.) Herald.
Give it to the Indians.
"Let ns restore the conditions that ex
isted prior to 1873." bays Mr. Teller.
Very well; let us tear up all tr-2 rail
roads that have been built since then;
let us reduce the acreage of wheat and
corn and cotton to what it was then: let
ns send back to barbarism those parts of
the world that have since been reclaimed
to civilization; let us plug up the Rus
sian oil wells nnd destroy the wheat
fields of India and the Argentine: let us
smooth over the hills of Leadvillc and
Cripple Creek, and fill up the mines, aad
reduce the production of silver from
$170,000,000 a year to $i0.000.000: let
ns kill off about 30,000.000 of our peoole,
so as to make the nopnlation what it was
in 1873; let us have a paper basis for our
money, as we had then, and gold at a
premium of ir cents or more on the dol
lar in short, let us try to turn back the
hand on time's dial, and make everybody
as happy and wealthy as all the people
are now alleged to have been before
1873. Colorado Springs Gazette.
FIVE.
oomi
saen cum ara
nMm fcy Any.
UMtunlly. Ita
lad. IftsLlTO.
ioftaaWsrli.
Ursthahiailtaf
ish4ta
'aadlitsrat
HTimOCXAJIla
! Chicago.
ssdkv th
psarasaa:
icle triT (U) of taa
tStl ot Neonate to
said arttete a asvsse
sctioa two CD te rsad
wasssat ot aaysttref
saas aad ta m.
eoaaty fa wktafc
to surfs wholly
eotuUoa so to do toe
aaority of law to tto
?sjm coaaty aa r.
r a an jority at tto
MMtty
dloa
dan six () of article
onstitattoa of
sa, prescrihiaff-
rates shall be
aacted by tto
aiaaza:
ka six ( of artiste
aatttatloa of tto Stats
natal to rsad aa fel-
W
s atoll to ay tones, or
as asay to aroaaritot
a; soorsor off voting to
3?
'A D. :
1
I
tion
i
(2) of artieia fonx-
V
Coastitatioa of taa
relative to donations
tal inprovei
it i
I
d aaaatsd by
ii Asaraaca:
;tloa two CO offartMa
Ooaatttnttoa off tto
to
eoaaty. town.
her aabdmataa off
take nnaatloaa to aay
d baarovaaMai. or
a aroaoaWoa ao to
rat sabaaltUd to aba
id nulled sy a two
Iecttoa by aattortty of
sack donations off a
iwiwoaa off aaea
-onto stall not
s BSMmd -
dcd. rarttor. That aay
r. by a thraaffnartaa
uuxabtedaeaa ave sor
aaea tsa-aar eaat aad
cea ot tadebtodaaas so
. natesa tto aaase atoll
oa a corwaeats
and aadtior off
is la lisaal paraaaat to
.A.IX.lam
ncretaiy of stata (
ka, do hereby certify
jroposedi
is
i of tho Stata of V
ad correct eoaisa of
lied aad eagTossatl
ftha Twoarj-foarth
ilatnra of th Stale
i appears
a in this osnea, ;
h of said profossd
,. submitted to taa
if the Stata of Ns
4optioa or rejecMoa
atioa to be held oa
ay of November, A.
tereof, I have
and aJazad ths great
f Nebraska.
m this 17th day of
f onr Lord, OaeTaoa
red aad Niaaty-Sii,
Mice of the Units
indred aad Twenty
tata the Thirtieth.
J. A. PIPER,
Secretary of State.
;assin,
son or rax
eat Market
and
leats-
jishin Season.
uket prices paid for
I
ENTH ST.,
NEBRASKA
Saprtf
rAKING!
Rut, CaskatS M
iktts at at kw
it any out.
EATiMTTSTGr
BEST HEARSE
JNTRY.
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