NOT AN ISSUE
POLITICIANS PRESENTING RELIG
IOUS ISSUE DENOUNCED BY
EMINENT EDITOR.
Philadelphia "North American" Scores
Politicians Who Would Deny the
Constitutional Right of Lib
erty of Conscience.
The un-American .inn indefensible
attempt of democratic politicians to
make a partisan political issue out of
the religious beliefs and church at
tachments of William 11. Taft has re
ceived the following deserved anil
fitting condemnation from the editor
of the Philadelphia "North American,"
one of the best and most intelligently
edited newspapers of the United
Stales. The "Norih American” says:
"We have received numbers of let
ters inquiring about the religious be
liefs of Taft. The two which wo
print below we have selected as fair
samples, lA eam - they raise the two
questions which constitute the basts
of all similar communications:
To the Editor of the North American.
It is rumored In this place that
William Taft is a staunch Roman
Catholic. Is it true? If so, can
Americans, and especially those horn
on American soil, support him for
president, as he would be subject to
a for< ign potentate?
JOHN It. MYERS.
Hanover. Pa., June 10.
To the Editor of the North Atnorleau.
1 have heard a report today, in
Pittsburg, to the effect that the Hon.
William II. Tafl is a Unitarian and
does not believe in (lie divinity of our
Jesus Christ. I do not wish to crit
icise or question the wisdom In se
lecting our candidate for presidency,
but desire to rail it lo your atten
tion, and (rust you will make propc
tnvestlgation and let the facts be
known promptly.
If he Is an unbeliever, we cannot
hope to elect him at a general elec
tion to the presidency of a Christian
country, and ! trust you will see the
advisability of a proper investigation
and use your powerful influence to
place a man with proper standing at
the head of our ticket. We cannot
count on the support of a Christian
people for an unbeliever.
lb It. EVANS.
Jeannette, pa„ June 15.
To dispose of questions which
should not bo asked, ns speedily as
possible, let 11s sav that Mr Taft
is not a Roman Catholic. He is a
member of the Unitarian church.
That was the ehurch of his parents,
and he has never separated himself
from if. His wife, however, Is an
Episcopalian, and he worships more
often beside her in her church.
'I host arc Hie facts, which are ut
terly and absolutely unimportant.
TVi matter of a man' religion hus
re 1 ghtful place in consideration of
bis fitness for the presidency. The
constitution of the nation, ordained
an i t s'ahltshed "to secure the bless
ings of libert\ to ourselves and our
posterity," expressly places the ver>
*ugg> stion of siu-i, thought outside
the | ;,le of putt ioi i-o,.
Vo words can Ir' clearer than these
from our country'; fundamental law:
'•1 'Ions lest ever shall be re
<ju ■ '< a a (y.i iltfl Ion to any of
t!' 1 I ublic ' i ruler the United
P ' "
, - n -'-v-roM i .ies about Mr.
Tatis religion- ’ f show simply
the extent to wbi: 'i bis enemies have
gone to rouse some prejudice against
him Since there was no spot upon
Ids whole clean record of private
conduct and public service to which
they could point to Taft’s detriment,
they displayed their willingness to
descend to any depth of petty, cow
ardly, contemptible attack that might
do him h^rnr
t Now. it was not because Mr. Taft
was born of a Unitarian family that
It was thought possible to dissem
inate a false sentiment. His enemies
saw their chance in the fact that
Taft, when governor general of the
Philippines, adjusted for all time a
diplomatic question of such extreme
delicacy that, handled by any other
American representative, it would
Skely have rankled for half a cen
tury a source of danger and disc
pute.
• The disposition of the friars’ lands
Involved, besides important finances,
religion in Europe and this country
and revolution in the islands. The
^}ace to do business is at headquar
ters. Taft went to the Vatican. And
In two days’ talk he settled the con
troversy upon lines so fair, so broad,
so impartial as to win for America
the honor and admiration of the
hierarchy of the Catholic church, yet
braking no concession that ever yet
has offered a loophole for censure
by the bitterest opponent of Roman
Catholicism.
Rut Taft went to (lie Vatican. That
was his first offense.
The second offense was having his
picture taken beside lie pope. Thai
picture has been reprinted and <lis
tributcd throughout the country.- And
tlie letters we have received vhuw
that this had some effect, even In a
suppose illy sane and civilized na
tion.
Those two incidents constitute the
foundation for all the censorious
gossip that lias been set going con
cerning Mr. Taft's religion.
The first won for American states
manship and American fair-dealing
the approval of the world.
Nor can we see a semblance of
excuse even for covert attacks by
| unscrupulous enemies In the recog
j nltion of an American representative
by Rome or in dignified deference
shown by that representative to the
head of the oldest Christian church,
the revt red chief of 230,000,000 Chris
tians throughout the world, including
11,000,000 loyal Americans.
Tlie attempt to hurt Taft by essay
ing to identify him with the Roman
Catholic church we place on the same
plane as the attempt to censure him
because he has refused to turn from
the church In which li is mother
knelt. Hoth are kindred appeals to
the bigotry which we hold in utter
detestation.
We ha-l thought, as we have hoped,
that the day of religious prejudice
in national politics was done in this
country. What better proof could
we have asked of the disappearance
of that vicious error than the re
ligious complexion of Roosevelt's
cabinet?
No sane man believes that the
president chose any adviser save for
ids fitness—certainly not because of
liis religion. So wo have seen the
Dutch Reformed churchman surround
ing himself with Root the Presbyter
ian, Tuft the Unitarian, Straus
the Jew and Ronaparte the Roman
Catholic.
And not because of their varying
faiths, but because not. one word was
spoken of the religion of any as a
qualification or a disqualification, we
though! we had reason to believe
that the prejudices which never
should have existed were dead at
last.
The North American yields to no
one In its Americanism. And in the
spirit of the normal, but intense,
American, we say that if Mr. Taft
were a Roman Catholic or a Hebrew
or the adherent of any other faith,
our support of his candidacy would
be no less ardent because he chose
to worship God according to the dic
tates of his conscience.
What the man murmurs with bowed
head on Sunday matters much to
his soul. Tint what, concerns us In,
the filling of an office with which re
ligion has no affair is, that not on
one day. but every day. with his eyes
facing till men. the every act of this
man has proved hint the God-fearing
patriot who has done Christ's own
work in earning the title of "the
secretary of peace.”
That religious prejudice has sur
vived so long tinder thts government,
whose basic principle is civil and re
ligious liberty, has puzzled the deep
est students.
True, much of this Is the inherit
ance of the ages. In part, it all dates
back to the barbarous martyrdoms of
Catholics and Protestants in turn, as
each in turn gained dominance. We
can trace it through the prompt,
shifting of the Puritans from perse
cuted to persecutors. Knownothing
isiu, tl\e fruit of a long growth, left
a bad bitterness not yet wholly ob
literated.
But while much of the prejudice may
thus be accounted for, in our judg
ment the feeling is kept alive and
nurtured less by the persecutors than
by the persecuted themselves There
Is no ethical difference between sup
porting h had man for high civic
place because he professes a certain
religion and opposing him or any
other man because of his religious
faith.
Any man who is not a good and
upright citizen is not a good and up
right follower of any religion. What
ever altar the betrayer of public
trust kneels before he is a Judas.
And he is far less worthy the sup
port of members of the faith to which
he is a traitor than of the votes of
those indifferent or opposed to the
creed he speaks, but in acts denies.
Church members lose claim to good
citizenship and honest religion when
they approve the man who gives
color to the charges of the enemies
of their faith and promote, instead of
rebuking, the dissembler who dis
graces their church.
Nor is that the worst. By their ac
tion they foment ami foster this
same religious prejudice which has
bloodied the pages of history. They
do more than aught else could to
justify the persecutors and the
persecutions they cry out against.
For their own solidarity in a wrong
cause forces a factional alignment of
all who think unlike them.
-
-
Republican Record in Nebraska En
titles Party to Public Confidence.
Taxes are raised from the people
and are spent by the public officials
elected ay the people, consequently
the public officials are the business
agents of the taxpayers pure and
simple. The interests of the people
are consequently buutid up in the
intelligence, honesty and efficiency
of our public officials. How have
tlie republican officials of Nebraska
discharged this business trust for the
people of Nebraska? One illustra
tion will go far to show. The state
debt of Nebraska, created by fusion
extravagance and mismanagement
largely, reached its high point in
December, 1905, amounting to two
and one-third million dollars at that
| date. Republican legislation and
| the careful administration of repub
I ilean state officers reduced this debt
to $179,000, on August 1st, 1908,
without noticeable burden to the tax
payers. That is the way the repub
lican party discharges a business
trust confided to it by tho people.
: I ho record Is one to be proud or.
What else lias the republican party
achieved for good government in Ne
I braska to entitle it to a continuance
i of public confidence?
The republican party is in power
in the state now. It is giving the
Nebraska people clean, progressive
and forceful slate government, the
very best state government we ever
had.
We have had progressive state
legislation.
The two cent per mile passenger
rate luw, the railroad commission law
reducing freight rates and express
rates, the anti-pass law, the primary;
election law, the pure food law and
other progressive measures, all put
forward as the result of higher ideals
evolved and crystalized into the senti
ment and the progressive spirit that,
dominates the republican party in this
state.
All these things have come through
the republican party of Nebraska and
not through the influence of Candidate
Bryan or his political associates in
Nebraska, for neither he nor they
have helped to work out these bet- j
lered conditions. When these prac
tical things were being done Candi
date lU/t-an was always somewhere
else talking up his candidacy at $500
a talk.
The Nebraska people, proud of the
progress of their state, in business
and government, owes nothing to Can
didate Bryan for any constructive as
sistance rendered by him.
The material conditions in the state
are such as to hold the public mind
in an optimistic ntood and optimism i
is an antidote to Bryanism.
Corn is high and it's a corn state.
Wheat is high and it's a wheat state.
Cattle are high and it's a cattle
state.
Hcgs are high and it’s a hog state.
Land is high, going higher every
day and it’s a land state, and it’s a
state of farmer voterB.
Governor Sheldon has made an en
viable record with the Nebraska peo
ple by being a courageous, level
headed. strong, manly man in the
executive office. As the leader of
the party in this campaign he at
tracts universal respect for his high
character and universal confidence
for his broad minded fairness as an
executive. Taking all these things
into consideration one can see noth
ing in the outlook for the coming
election but the usual republican ma
jority in Nebraska.
The Nebraska voter this year will
have an opportunity to choose be
tween promise and performance. If
promises alone will satisfy him he
can vote the democratic ticket with
reasonable assurance that he will get
promises and nothing else. If he
wants performance, if he wants things
done, he will have to vote for the
republican candidates as that party is
the only "do it now” party in this
state. This is the proof: In 1897'
the democratic party with fusion, con
trolled every department of Nebraska
government and power. They had the
governor and state officers, the legis
lature and the supreme court. The
party kept no promises made prior to
the election and gave the people no
relief from railway domination, trans
portation abuses, extortionate freight,
passenger or express rates. They
grabbed free-passes from the railroads
with both hands and left the people
to paddle their own canoe. Now
note the difference. In 1906 the re
publican party promised Nebraska a
long list of reforms and put the prom
ises in the platform. A republican
legislature enacted every promise into
law; every law was approved by Gov
ernor Sheldon, republican state offi
cers have intelligently administered
every law enacted and not a pledge
is left unredeemed. That’s the re
i publictyi way.
s
HIS PLATFORM THREATENS RU
RAL DELIVER/ AND AGRI
CULTURAL PROGRESS.
Denounces Expansion of Departments
Which Work Exclusively in
the Interests of the
Farmer.
How many Nebraska farmers wish
to see the Free Rural Delivery of Mail
i rippled and perhaps abolished and
the great work of the Department of
Agriculture hampered and possibly
reduced to a stagnant condition and
all real progress in that department
slopped? As many as wish such a
result in the two great departments
of the government devoted exclusive
ly to the daily interests of the farmer,
stock-raiser and horticulturist should
vote this year fty Candidate Bryan
and ills democratic platform, because
in that platform, made and approved
in every word by Candidate Bryan,
is a plain and unmistakable threat to
do that very thing.
That this statement is true and is
not mere idle criticism is amply
proven by the official record on which
Candidate Bryan himself has placed
the seal of his personal approval.
It is a matter of common knowl
edge that the democratic platform
this year was prepared under the per
sonal supervision of Candidate Bryan
and had his approval in every word,
line and statement before it saw the
light of day in the democratic na
tional convention at Denver and was
there adopted with the full knowl
edge that it was the personal plat
form of Candidate Bryan. What does
this democratic platform say in re
lation to the matters of vital daily
interest to the men and women who
make their homes and spend their
lives on the farm?
Under a section of the democratio
national platform denominated "Office
holders," the platform undertaking to
denounce the administration of the
republican party in keeping abreast of
the progress of the country and ex
tending benefits to the agricultural
classes of the nation, says:
“Coincident with the enormous”
"increase in expenditures is a”
“like addition to the number of"
“officeholders. * * * \ye de-”
"nounce this great and growing”
"Increase in the number of"
“officeholders as not only unnec-”
“essary and wasteful, but also”
“as clearly indicating a deliberate”
“purpose on the part of the ad-”
“ministration to keep the repub-”
“lican party in power at public”
“expense by thus increasing the”
“number of its retainers and de-”
“pendents. Such procedure we”
"declare to be no less dangerous”
“and corrupt than the open pur-”
“chase of votes at the polls.”
Now let the Nebraska farmer ex
amine this declaration carefully in
the light of the facts, to determine
exactly what it means, remembering
that Candidate Bryan is promising in
every speech he makes to carry into
effect, if he is elected, every word
found in his platform.
To know what he means it is nec
essary first to learn wherein lias
been the great Increase in “office
holders" in recent years which Can
didate Bryan and his platform so
roundly and viciously condemn and
by plain inference threatens to
abolish. That “increase in office
holders" in recent years has been
very largely in the two great depart
ments of the government conducted
exclusively for the benefit of the
American farmer; the Rural Free De
livery of Mail and the Department of
Agriculture. Every rural letter car
rier and every employee of the De
partment of Agriculture counts in
making up the government list of
"officeholders” and it is the growth
and expansion of these great depart
ments established by the republican
party for the benefit of the farmer
that Candidate Bryan condemns and
threatens to reduce to a condition of
wreck and ruin. The facts obtain
able amply prove the case. In 1896
there were no rural delivery carriers,
no “officeholders” to be counted, be
cause in spite of republican legisla
tion establishing this service for the
farmer a democratic president refused
to avail himself of the appropriation
made for this purpose. The repub
lican party took hold in 1897, fostered
and expanded the rural delivery and
on June 30th, 1908, 39,227 employees
were engaged in the R. F. D, serv
ice, delivering the mail daily to
millions of our farm residents. This
added over thirty-nine thousand “of
ficeholders" to the list of government
employees in the twelve years ant}
with its cost of thirty-five million-;
per year gives Candidate Bryan his
opportunity in 1908, to denounce the
Increased number of "officeholders”
and the inct used expense.
Does any Nebraska farmer wish
:to join with Candidate Bryan in
abolishing this service, reducing the
number of • officeholders’’ thereby and
“saving" ihe money it costs? For a
genuinely crazy idea of “economy” is
not this ‘position of Candidate Bryan
entitled to first place?
Consider next the Department of
Agriculture, the farmers' exclusive
department ;n our government. Es
tablished by republican legislation,
with ('tide Jerry Busk its first Sec
retary, mis department has grown
and expanded under republican en
couragement into a work of tre
mendous importance to the American
farmer. Ten years ago about two
thousand ‘officeholders'’ at an annual
cost of three million dollars repre
sented the total of men and money
given to this great work. On July
lit, 1908, the "officeholders,” or in
other words the necessary employees
to carry on the work, had increased
to 10,320 (an increase of 8,000), and
Congress appropriated fifteen million's
for the work of this farmers’ depart
ment. This is another item to add
to Candidate Bryan’s denunciation of
the "Increase of officeholders." Let
us add up the sum. Thirty-nine thou
sand "officeholders” and thirty-five
million dollars' “increase" for the
farmers Bttral Free Delivery; 8,000
"officeholders" and fifteen million dol
lars tor tne tanners Department or
Agriculture, a total addition of 47,000
government employees and fifty mil
lion dollars, all working for the Amer
ican farmer and the increase of em
ployees and expense roundly de
nounced by Candidate Bryan. All
this was done for the farmer by the
republican party. Does the Nebraska
farmer wish to continue these great
undertakings by supporting the re
publican party with his vote or does
he wish to assist Candidate Bryan
to throw it all overboard as he threat
ens in his platform to do? Can the
Nebraska farmer afford to risk the
continuance of the two greatest
agencies for his prosperity and well
being ever established by the general
government by casting his vote for
Candidate Bryan and his experimental
ideas of economy that are pointed di
rectly to the abolition of the “office
holders" who serve the farmer ex
clusively? None but the thoughtless
will incur such a risk and Nebraska
farmers are not thoughtless or easily
deceived.
Menace of Bryanism.
Because Mr. Bryan is unsafe we op
pose him. Because he can believe or
change belief at will we oppose him.
Because he is the victim of his own
delusions we oppose him. Because ho
is convinced that whatever may win
should be advocated and whatever
may lose should he renounced we
oppose him. Because he is the idol
of the desperate, fanatical, credulous
and visionary, and makes them his
confidants and aids, we oppose him.
Because he is a populist and not a
democrat we oppose him. To us, to
do th's, the duty is plain. The conse
quences of duty done belong not to
those who do it. The consequences
of duty neglected or violated or mis
conceived belong where and to whom
need not be said. None of those con
sequences shall belong here.—Brook
lyn (N. Y.) Eagle (Demo.)
Does the farmer and business man
fully realize the great value to them
of the railway commission legislation
enacted by a republican legislature
and how many abuses have been
righted by appication to the ooinuns
sion, thus avoiding the tedious, ex
pensive and long-delayed litigation
formerly necessary to establish indi
vidual rights when contested by a
railway corporation. Hundreds of
cases of complaint from Nebraska
citizens have been adjusted by the
commission when the delays and ex
\.‘ nse of former conditions would have
left the complainant practically help
less and forced to endure what he was
powerless to cure. The republican
policy of performance, of promises
kept and carried into effect, is re
sponsible for the new and changed
conditions.
The republican party in Nebraska
has proven Us right to public con
fidence. No party ever fulfilled its
promises so completely as did the
republicans of the state in the last
legislative session. The old debt
created by fusion extravagance and
mismanagement is being rapidly ex
tinguished, railroad regulation is an
accomplished republican fact and not
a mere democratic promise and all
the affairs of the state are being in
telligently and economically admin
istered. /'
Mr., Bryan i astenM to say that if
elected this yt ar he Vill never be a
candidate for i second term. This is
tempting bait, hut the viiances are
the voters will make sure il- their own
way that he y,a^ never he a candi
date for a se<Jond term, eve^ aj the
risk of having him continue a& a can.
didate for a. first term. P'^sburg
1 (Pa.) Dispatch
A GOOD INVESTMENT
Nebraska Reaps Large Returns From
Republican Rule in the State.
When a man Invests bis money in
any enterprise he usually does so
with the expectation of reaping
something of profit; of drawing
something iu the way of dividends
from his investment. The people of
Nebraska have "invested” in the re
publican party in recent years. It
is reasonable that they ask what
have been the profits to the people;
what dividends have the people re
ceived for their investment of con
fidence in the republican party? To
name all the valuable returns the
people of Nebraska have received
would require a volume.
The Nebraska republican platform
of 1906 contained seven important
pledges to the people of the state,
everyone of which were "redeemed”
by being enacted into law by repub
lican votes in the legislature and ap
! proved by overnor Sheldon.
The principal pledges were:
1.—A memorial to congress to en
act a law compelling railroads to pay
their taxes at the same time and iu
the same manner as private persons
are compelled to do.
Twenty-four republican senators,
flfty-six republican representatives, a
majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
2. —Direct Primary Law.
Twenty-seven republican senators,
fifty-three republican representatives,
a majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
3. —Anti-Pass Law.
Twenty-five republican senators,
sixty-three republican representatives,
, majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
4. —Railway Commission Law.
Twenty-six republican senators,
sixty-two republican representatives,
a majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
5. —Employers’ Liability Law'.
Twenty republican senators, fifty
nine republican representatives, a
majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
6. —Municipal (Terminal) Taxation
of Railway Property.
Twenty republican senators, fifty
one republican representatives, a ma
jority in each house, enacted the bill.
7. —Pure Food and Dairy Law.
Twenty-six republican senators,
fifty-six republican representatives, a
majority in each house, enacted the
bill.
Each and everyone of these meas
ures were promptly approved by the
republican governor of Nebraska,
Hon. George L. Sheldon, who lias again
been selected b.v the republican elec
tors of the state at the recent direct
primary election to head the repub
lican state ticket as the candidate
of the party for re-election to the high
office he has so ably filled during the
past two years.
The legislative vote above given by
which these important measures were
enacted shows plainly that the repub
lican party is alone responsible for
this progressive legislation and is en
titled to the credit for these meritori
ous laws. While the time since their
enactment has been comparatively
short, it has been long enough to in
dicate conclusively the enormous im
portance of these policies to the peo
ple of the state and many of the
direct benefits flowing from them to
all the people of Nebraska. The Rail
way Commission law alone has al
ready proven to be of immense Im
portance and has, without injury to
the railroads in Iheir legitimate earn
ing powers, saved *o the people of
the state millions of dollars in freight
and passenger rates, cutting off the
free-pass evil and equalizing railway
pharges between persons and places
on a practical “square deal” plan,
whereby the humblest receives sub
stantial justice and the most powerful
are helpless to force an unjust dis
crimination in their own special in
terest. If the Railway Commission
alone were the only achievement
of the republican party in the past
two years, the people of Nebraska
would have been well repaid for their
investment of confidence in the re
publican party of this state. But this
is not all the republican record, in
fact but a fraction of republican
achievement of the same period. The
careful, business-like apd economical
administration of ail state institutions
under republican state officers has
kept them all at a high standard of
efficiency, as the people desire them
to be, yet at a cost demonstrating
careful and economical supervision;
state funds have been kept invested „
earning larger interest returns by
thousands than ever before in our
history; the state debt has been re
duced from two and one-third millions
to less than half a million. In a thou
sand other ways, too numerous to
mention here, the people have profited
by their investment of confidence in
the republican party of Nebraska.
