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About The Omaha guide. (Omaha, Neb.) 1927-19?? | View Entire Issue (Nov. 23, 1940)
THE OMAHA GUIDE A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER Published Every Saturday at 2418 20 Grant St OMAHA, NEBRASKA PHONE WBbster 1617 Entered as Second Class Matter Match 16. 1927, at the Post Office at Omaha, Nebraska, under Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. H. J. Ford, — — — Prea. Mrs. Fluma Coope^, — — Vice Pres. C. C. Galloway, — Publisher and Acting Editor Boyd V. Galloway. —• Sec’y and Treas. SUSCRIPTION RATES (Strictly in Advance) One Year — — — *2.00 Six Months — — — 1-26 Three Months — — — -60 Single Copy — — — 6c All News Copy of Churches and all organizat ions must be in ou” office not later than 1:00 p. m. Monday for current issue. All Advertising Copy or Paid Articles not later than Wednesday noon, pre ceedring date of issue, to insure publication WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE? (by Emmett J. Scott) Washington, D. C.,—The natural inquiry of the nearly 22,000,000 pers ons who voted for Wendell Willkie on Election Day is: “WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?” These citizens, only about 4,000 000 fewer than the number who Voted for Mr. Roosevelt, out of a total popu lar vote for both candidates of some 48^,000,000, represent an American min ority group of 11—24ths of the whole, nearly one-half. It is thus apparent that the elect ion went to the New Deal by a signif icantly small plurality. As compared with Mr. Roosevelt’s vote in 1936, there was a protest, defec tiojn vote this year on the part of his former supporters amounting to ap proximately 7,000,000 votes. For instance, the Rotosevelt vote in the following States, more uc^uce ly than can be otherwise indicated, shows how clbisely this election was: New York, 51.8; Wisconsin, 50.8; Illin ois, 51.2; New Jersey, 51.8; Ohio, 52.2; Missouri, 52.5; Massachusetts, 53.5; Pennsylvania, 53.5. These are not “tidal-wave”, ,or “landslide” figures. On the contrary as Roger Babson, famous Statistician pointed out in a personal telegram to Mr. Roosevelt, “one percent of the vote, properly allocated would have el ected Wendell Willkie”. Elaborating on his statement that a 1 percent shift of votes would have elected Mr. Willkie, he said that 500, 000 votes distributed in states where the outcome was close would have giv en the Republican standard bearer a winning margin. All of this, by way of saying, the country only by a “squeak” has given Mr. Roosevelt the “vote of confidence” he requested. Now, with the country almost ev enly divided in political sentiment, stri dent voices are demanding a strong, determned democracy— demanding that democracy in the United States shall stand united. In this discussion of democracy, the Negro group still remains the test. It cannot forego its demands for fair and equitable protection before the law. It cannot complacently accept dis franchisement for 8,000,000 of its kins men in the South. It will even protest against Jim Crow cars and Jim-Crow laws of ev ery kind. It will continue to protest against inequitable Relief administration, and for a larger representation in the pro ductive industry of the country, and in Social Security protection. It will continue to oppose photo graphs on applications for Federal employment—a device which now elim inates the applicants even before they appear at Government Departments. It will still protest discrimination in the Armed Services of the Govern ment. In fact, it will continue to fight to be included whole-heartedly in all the processes of American Democracy. If the dignity and power of Am erican democracy are to survive in A merica, a fairer consideration and more even-handed justice must pre vail. It was for these things Wendell Willkie was willing to pledge himself. It is for these things all true friends of democracy must contend. Our cause is a just one. The tra gic breaches which undoubtedly exist among the American people can only be healed by an acceptance of these fundamental principles, among the many others, which now divide us. Principles approved by the nearly 23,000,000 persons who voted for Wen dell Willkie cannot be waived aside. As Joseph W. Martin, Jr., Chairman of the Republican National Committee, stated at the close of the campaign: “A just cause cannot be stopped. Our principles must prevail if this country is to march forward to a higher and better destiny”. ECONOMIC HIGHLIGHTS Near the end of Qctober, a note worthy event occurred. The Business Week industrial activity index, which is one of the standard business baro meters, touched 136. That was seven tenths of a point higher than the prev ious all-time record, which was reach ed during the week of July 27, back in fabulous 1929. What this obviously means is that we are in the midst of a boom—and a bojbin that will undoubtedly reach gid dy heights before it is done. Equally obvious, it is not a healthy boom. It is based upon one thing, and one thing only—war. It will stop when war and war preparations stop. And, like all war booms, it is inflationary in tend ency. Dismissfort that for the moment, it seems clear that a period of consider able artificial prosperity lies ahead cf us. Practically all business will be af fected. Modern war and modern pre paredness programs call for an unprec edented degree of national effort. For every soldier in uniform, there must be half-a-dozen men or more behind him in factories and supply depots, pro ducing, distributing and handling the hundred and one articles that today’s soldier must have if he is tp be an ef ficient destroyer. In modern war, in brief, the civilian population is as much involved as the actual armies in the field. , S:me industries will probably ex pand at a tremendous rate during the next few years. We have seen signs of that already in aircraft manufact ure—the principal makers are working 24 hours a day, are building new plants as fast as the necessary labor and mat erials can be obtained, and have! gi gantic quantities of unfilled orders on hand. It was lately reported that Bri tain will buy 12,000 additional military planes in this country, and that our government will place orders for an equal number. Railroad carloadings will be go ing up. Electric power output will nec essarily follow the surging industrial indices. And such basic heavy indust ries as steel will find their principal problem in figuring how to keep out put up to demand. Normally, a great jump in produc tion such as this would involve gigant ic profits. That will not be true this time. This year, for instance, many industries expect that net earnings will be under the 1939 level, even though production is substantially greater. There are a number of reasons for that. One is that commodity costs are rising. Still another is that it will be necessary to put a larger proportion of gross income back into plant facilities, And the most imptrtant reason of all is taxes. We are starting a twenty or thirty-billion dollar arms program on top of a $45,000,000,000 national debt, and in the face of the fact that Federal income has been under Federal spend ing for eight years. The; tax boosts put into effect by the current Con gress are generally regarded as but a modest start. It seems inevitable that far larger increases will be necessary next year and during the years to fol low. At the same time, government will probably (\o all it can to hold down prices of finished products, and to absorb as much .of the higher costs as it can. Profits must be adequate, but they won’t be great. It isn’t pleasant to think of the depression that, in the view of most economists, will follow the war boom. History shows us again and again that prsperity based on arms production is eventually disastrous. But force of circumstance is forcing us to follow the rest of the world in the race to ward military supremacy. So, until peace comes again to a tired world, business is going to be booming in A meriea. The “Battle of Britain” is at least temporarily slowing in tempo. The “Battle of the Empire” has begun. Starting point was Italy’s invasion of Greece. r Whoever controls Greece, its is lands, and its many undeveloped sea and naval and submarine bases, large ly controls the Mediterranean- 'Musso lini’s “Mare nostrum.” The Italian at tack on Greece is obvipusly designed as the first step in a carefully planned Axis effort to destroy Britain’s influ ence in that area. If that attempt should succeed, the Axis would have taken a long step toward eventual vic tory in the war. Whether it w ill succeed is the ques tion now. Best answers seem to be that it will fail. For one thing, the Italians, as in the past, have shown themselves to be poor fighters the Greek army has made the going plenty tough for Italy’s warriors. For an other thing it hooks now as if Russia is none too happy about present Axis moves, and may be preparing to resist tl em. For a third thing, the British navy is still the best navy in Europe, by a tremendous margin. Italian na val forces have steadfastly avoided meeting their English enemy, even when they had the advantage in num ber and size of ships. Amusing comm entary on this side is found in a storv which has been making the rounds of London. Every Navy, the story runs, has its own favorite drink: The Eng lish prefer gin, the American- take whiskey, and the Italians stick t*o port. U. S. 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The opinion, read by Mr. Justice Stone, does not go into the ques.. tion of the constitutionality of re strictive residential covenants, but. in effect, it will open up the particular Chicago area affected, Plaintiffs in the case were Mr. and Mrs. Carl Hansberry. Attoi nc-ys on the national and Chicago branch legal staff of the NAAC P. who handled the case and argu ed before the high court. They are: Karl B. Dickerson; Lauren B. Moore. Truman Gibsin; Irvin Mol lison and C. Francis Stafford. Calvin’s Newspaper Service TESTED RECIPE —By Frances Lee Barton ■ — I) OLL out the rolls and we’ll y_ have a lot of fun. Sprinkle em with pecan meats and watch them disappear. A butterscotch pecan roll, a dish of marma lade or jelly, a cup of tea or cotTee — what • more do we need for that before | bed bite? Butterscotch Pecan Rolls 2 cups sifted cake flour; 2 tea spoons double-acting baking pow der; % teaspoon salt; 4 tablespoons butter or other shortening; y3 cup milk; 2 tablespoons butter; y3 cup brown sugar, firmly packed; 4 tablespoons butter; 4 tablespoons brown sugar; % cup chopped pecan meats. Sift flour once, measure, add baking powder and salt, and sift again. Cut in shortening; add milk gradually, stirring until soft dough is formed. Turn out immediately on slightly floured board and knead 30 seconds, or enough to shape. Roll V* inch thick. Cream together butter and sugar and spread on dough; roll as for jelly roll and cut in 1-inch slices. Melt 4 tablespoons butter in 8x8x2 inch pan, add 4 tablespoons brown sugar, and mix well; sprinkle nut meats over top. Place rolls in pan, cut side down. Bake in hot oven (425° F.) 15 minutes; then decrease heat to moderate (350“ F.) and bake 20 minutes longer, or until done. Re move at once from pan. Makes 10 to 12 rolls. 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