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♦ EDITORIALS!#
u— ■ . .
\\ in THE NEGRO SHOULD DIVIDE HIS VOTE ON
NATIONAL ISSUES
1. The two outstanding parties have identically
the >ame stand so far as the Negro’s rights and interests
are concerned. Party principles are laid down in their
national platforms, and cannot be judged by narrow local
provincial pa-sions and prejudices. The Republican
Part, wrote toe Reconstruction Amendments into the
Constitution and still avers that it stands by these princ
iples. The Democratic platform of 1876 accepted the re
\i>« : C institution. Since then there has been no* dif
feivnt i ronouncement or action contrary to this declar
ati n, not even during the sixteen years when that party
v. in control of the national Government. In the pres-j
ent t« . and active voice the Republican party does and
says n. t,.ing constructively in behalf of the Negro. The
1 democratic Party does and says nothing destructively a
ga im. Speaking from the board national viewpoint
e attitude of the two have gravitated to equality, which I
I regret to say is near the zero point.
So far as the two Chicago Conventions are concern
ed. the two platforms are identical in substance and vary
only in pharseology. The race has about as many weil
wishers in one camp as the other. I cite the line up on
the Howard University appropriation as proof of this as
sertion.
2. The voting contingent of the race is found in
the Northern and border states. We may as well rule
out of the universe of the present discourse the disfran
chised contingent in eight of the southern states. The
annullment of the black man’s constitutional rights in the
lower South is effected by local contrivance and national
connivance. The outcome of the November election will
not affect this condition one way or the other. There is
no longer any force in the old argument that a Republic
an victory meant the restoration of the Negro’s guaran
teed rights in the South. Whether Hoover or Roosevelt
is elected in November, he will leave the situation on
March fourth, 1937, just where he found it March fourth,
1933.
3 The patriotism, loyalty, wisdom and good will
can no longer be claimed as a monopoly of any one party.
All v ish the return of prosperity and the coming of good
times as the economic desideratum. Neither has any
copyright method or infallible formula. Hoover and
R r-evelt are alike feeling after the better way, if haply
either might find it. There is no use for all to line up on
one side when both are groping in the dark.
4 The bulk of the Negro voters in the next elec
tion are under fifty years of age. They should vote ac
cording to their emotions. Hitherto, the crafty politic
jar).', a hite and black, have sought to play upon the Ne
gro-' gullibility and have stampeded him into the party
pen like dumb driven cattle. The Northern Negro voter
find.' : at no other group allows itself to be thus stam
pt-dtd: then why should he? Let the Negro vote for
Ho er or for Roosevelt, if he thinks best. But he should
ra t all himself to be lured by the Lincoln lore or fright
« ■ i the Garner scare-crow. One can honor the prin
ci: .rs of Lincoln as well by voting for Roosevelt as for
Hoover.
5 The solid South and the solid Negro are the bane
of our national politics. Neither will make any political,
progress as long as they remain under bondage of fear.
1 r.e Negr • politicians will use the same tactics in 1932 as
H :> *•'<• } in 1^2—herd the Negro into the Republican
f‘ id for fear of the Democratic wolf. The race has made
no r. re ; utical progress in fifty years than kiln dried
timber. Dividing between parties, issues, men and meas
ure' - ill li erate minds and make for political growth and
development. It will also liberalize both parties and
make for advancement all along the line.
6 On the ninth of November, one of two results
ill be announced—either Hoover or Roosevelt will have
been elected. It will be better for the race as a whole, in
either event, if his vote shall have been divided and shall
have contributed substantially to the winning side, (a) If
Roosevelt wins, which is not unlikely, the race will be
greath the jainer by helping to bring about such a result.
Much of the Democratic hostility which the race has hith
erto incurred has been due to its solid anti-Democratic at
titude. The reason that the Northern Democrats are so
friendly to him is because he divides with him a portion
of his ballots, (b) If Hoover should win, it would be
far better for the black brother if a check up showed
that he received only half of his vote. The indifference
of the present administration towards us is due to the
fact that it received too many votes, white and black, in
1928. Even if the Negroes voted unanimously for Presi
dent Hoover the margin was too slight to appreciably af
fect the result. The N. A. A. C. P. is more influential in
getting results than the knuckle-close Negro politicians
because it is non-partizan, and will throw the weight of
its influence against the administration when it goes
awry, while the me-too-politicians will follow the party
right or wrong. Nobody respects a dog or a man or a
race that will stand kicks and rebuff without resentment.
In the coming election the Negro has everything
to gain and nothing to lose by dividing his vote.
KELLY MILLER
A GOOD INVESTMENT
The National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People is making an appeal for $2500.00 to fur
ther the investigation into the conditions alleged to exist
among the Negro workers on the Mississippi Flood Con
trol Project. The N. A. A. C. P. is our only National mili
tant organization, and is an organization that has and is
still proving its worth. When an appeal comes from this
organization the answer should be 100 per cent. Let us
all take this matter seriously and help the N. A. A. C. P.
put over this investigation.
The appeal says in part: “The twenty-five hundred
dollars is absolutely necessary to pay the cost of certain
vital investigations, the continuance of a campaign of pub
licity, and other essential steps in the terrific struggle
against efforts of the War Department to “whitewash” the
brutal exploitation of colored workers on the Mississippi
Flood Control Project.
The N. A. A. C. P. is battling against tremendous
odds. But if the fight is won it may result, together with
certain necessary legislation, in one hundred million dol
lars in wages to Negroes on this 10-year project. Senator
Robert F. Wagner of New York, has agreed to introduce
in Congress a Senate investigation. Our investigations
must be made and the material must be in hand by De
cember 1st for the Senate hearing. If our friends will
rally to our aid this will and can be made one of the most
sensational battles for justice the Negro has ever waged.
“To protest against the Mississippi horror is but
one part of the fight for jobs for Negroes. There is the
same fight at Boulder Dam, a determined battle to assure
Negroes a proportionate share of jobs, and wiping out of
discrimination in employment on Federal-financed con
struction, and in distribution of federal, state and city re
lief funds.
“To meet the crisis the Association has cut its ex
penses to the bone. Its staff, never adequately paid, and
its chief executives, receiving less than that of any simi
lar organization, have already had two salary cuts.
“We know that colored people have been hit harder
than any other group by the economic crisis. E2ut the N.
A. A. C. P.’s fight is of direct benefit to them. A fight for
jobs, one that saves Jess Hollins in Oklahoma, Willie Pet
erson in Alabama, and innocent Negroes in other states
from the electric chair, one against a segregation ordi
nance in Atlanta, discrimination in the distribution of
free flour by the Red Cross in Florida, the extension of
school segregation in Ohio—these and countless other
struggles in which the N. A. A. C. P. reaches even into the
heart of the deepest South must be carried on.
“Are there 10,000 colored Americans out of twelve
million who, even though it may be a sacrifice, will send
the N. A. A. C. P. today from $1.00 to $5.00 each ? Every
cent will be put to work; every cent will be acknowledged
and, as is the N. A. A. C. P.’s invariable custom, a certified
public accounting will be made of the expenditure of ev
ery cent.
“Come to our aid in fighting the battle of every
American Negro. If you do you will play a great role in
this struggle, and the results of whatever you may send
will be seen in many ways, but most dramatically when
we marshal at Washington in December, a host of wit
nesses to testify before the Senate Committee. If you do
not, one of the greatest battles for economic justice to the
Negro may be lost.”—Walter White, Secretarv of the N.
A. A. C. P.
We have entered the last month of the National
campaign—Governor Roosevelt has made his swing
through the West, into the territory of unrest; he has
tried to capitalize these elements to his advantage, by de
livering speeches on the subjects that most affected the
localities visited. While his party has denounced the
Smoot-Hawley tariff, the candidate has been careful not
to be too specific in sections that a rebenefitted or whose
products are protected. He is silent as yet on whether
he favors paying the veterans bonus. It looks as though
the Democratic party, should they win, will take over a
job that is going to swamp them it is easy to criticize, but
what to do in case you are placed in the same situation is
not so easy. The big guns of the G. 0. P. are assailing the
ramparts of the Bourbons, disecting the talk of Candi
date Roosevelt, whose flirting with the radicals or so
called progressives is disquieting to conservatives, but
whether this line of argument can be made effective to off
set the Republican defection remains to be seen.
An honest-to-goodness drive is being made to keep
the colored troops in line; there is no more of that cock
sure attitude, we can win without your vote.
Too Much ^Hindsight"
Insufficient Foresight
The Negro exercises too much “hind- plaining that the librarian in one of
sight,” and for that reason he loses its schools insists upon reading to the
ground in the hotly contested battles children “ a great deal of literature
of life. The Negro as a rule waits un- containing such phrases and words as
til a thing happens before he tries to ‘nigger,’ ‘Blackie,’ ‘Little Black Sam
avert it. He is too much like a man bo,’ etc.’r This lady, therefore, would
whom I once saw knocked down in a like to get into that school some books
physical combat. Instead of dodging by Negro authors. This is a com
the blow when it was being dealt he mendable effort, but it comes a little
arose from his prostration dodging it. late; I hope not too late.
For example, I have just received For centuries such literature has
a letter from a lady in Pittsburgh com been circulated among the children of
the modern world, and they have,!
therefore, come to regard the Negro
as inferior. Now that some of our
similarly miseducated Negroes are
seeing how they have been deceived
they are awakening to address them
selves to a long neglected task. They
should have been thinking about this
generations ago. for they have a tre
mendous task before them today in
dispelling this error and counteracting
the results of such bias in our litera
ture.
I have just received also from a
friend in Edinburgh, Scotland, a dire
ful account of the increase in race
prejudice in those parts. Sailors who
had frequented the stronghold of race
prejudice in South Africa undertook
recently to prevent Negro men from
socializing with British women at a
dance; and certain professors of the
l University of Edinburgh with the
same attitude show so much of it in
their teaching that this friend en
treats us to send them informing
books on the Negro. We are doing it.
Here again, however, the effort to
uproot error and popularize the truth
1 comes rather late. The Negro since
freedom has gone along grinning,
whooping, and “cutting shines” while
the white man has applied himself to
the task of defining the status of the
Negro and compelling him to accept
it as thus settled forever While the
Negro has been idle, propaganda has
gone far ahead of history. Unfortu
nately, too, Negro “scholars” have
assisted in the production of such lit
erature which gives this point of view.
Of this we may cite several exam
ples. Negroes cooperated with Thomas
Jesse Jones in working out his report
on Negro education, which by misrep
resentation did the race more harm
than any other production of that
period save Thomas Dixon’s “Clans
man.” A few years ago the Negroes
engaged in the work of the Y. M. C.
A. cooperated with W. D. Weatherford
in producing a most scandalous and
libellous book on the Negro entitled
“Present Forces in the Progress of the
Negro.” More recently Negroes have
cooperated with T. J. Woofter, who
in his “Race Adjustment” justified
segregation and in his report on agri
cultural conditions makes a good case
for peonage and slavery enforced on
the cotton and sugar plantations. If
the Negroes keep up such cooperation ■
they will soon be “cooperated” back
into bondage.
Recently I had to restrain myself ,
from lending aid to the same sort' of
thing, I was asked to contribute to
the “Dictionary of American Biogra
phy” edited by the late Allen Johnson.
At his request I drew up the list of
Negroes who by all means should be
aed. Some of these were accept
ed and some were rejectd. I was ■
called on to write a few sketches for
him, but I soon discovered that the
more important sketches of Negroes
were being assigned to others to be
written according to order. When
the editor refused to spell NegTO with
a capital letter, omiter Benjamin Ban
naker altogether as unworthy of any
mention, and branded John Brown as
a capital letter, omitted Benj. Ban
the staff in protest. I could not afford
to be associated with men who lacked
historic perspective and showed such
disregard for the truth.
This last experience convinced me
more than ever that if the story of the
Negro is ever told it must be done by
scientifically trained Negroes who will
be above writing to obtain money.
Yet I do not take the position that
white men should not write about the
Negro. There are certain aspects of
our life which because of ramifications
into theirs, may be better developed b
them than by Negroes themselves. In
the case of presenting the real his
tory and the status of the Negro,
however, men of other races cannot
function efficiently because they do
not think black.
m tnis case I am saying no moxe
than a proiessor of Columbia univti
sny, wuo is now working out a series
ui reauero to show tne contributions
ox tne various elements of our popu
lation to tne malting of this country.
He is insisting that each contribution
be evaluated by a member of the race
thus treated. The reader concerning
tne Italians in America must be writ
ten by an Italian; that concerning the
Greek by a Greek; and that concern
ing the Negro by a Negro. This
white educator takes the position tnui
in the final analysis only the Negro
tan properly set forth his history ana
status. I or a few dollars, however,
Negroes have been and still are assist
ing whites who work to the contrary
and make our lot harder and harder
as the years go by.
■ims is precisely what our “leading”
Negroes are doing in the case of the
so-called encyclopaedia of the Negro.
The step was taken by Anson Phelps
Stokes and Thomas Jesse Jones in
April of last year at a meeting of the
Phelps Stokes Fund, which finances
Jones as the spokesman for the Ne
gTo behind closed doors. They called
a meeting of all Negro scholars and
educators of “consequence” last No
vember to confer with certain whites
interested in the Negro. I was not
considered the proper sort of man to
be invited. At the meeting in Novem
ber, however, one of those invited who
complained that I had not been asked
to cooperate made a motion that I be
called to the next meeting. Of course,
I could not accept any such “left
handed” invitation which did not
originate with those who started the
movement, and especially so since cer
tain operations of both Jones and
Stokes have done the Negroes much
harm. I set forth this fact in com
municatins which I addressed to each
member of this conference and in
formed them that the Associated Pub
lishers, drawing upon the data col
lected for this purpose since 1922 by
the Association for the Study of Ne
gro Life and History, will publish an
Encyclopaedia Africana” in 1933.
For the prospect of a few thousand
dollars each, however, Negro “schol
ars ’ have been rushing to Stokes and
Jones in hungryfashion to get on their
editorial staff. They have also ap
pealed to me again and again to join
them, but I never accept the “gifts of
the Greeks.” If Stokes and Jones are
sincere why do they not turn this fund
over to a well established Negro agen
cy already prepared to do the work
rather than set up a corporation to
hire Negroes to do what they want
done ? This has been the white man’s
policy in dealing with the Negro ever
since 1619; and because of it the Ne
gTo is in the bread line today.
I am not surprised at some of these
hungry Negroes, but Du Bois’s action
startles and discourages me. We have
always looked upon him as a man who
will not sell out, and as such he has
been the moving spirit of the N. A. A
C; P. We lost a little of our faith in
him when he was willing to give up
the fight for democracy for such a
gewgaw or toy as a captain’s uniform
during the World War; and now for
the prospect of money he goes over
“to eat crow” from the hands of
Stokes and Jones whose chicanery
and machinations he has hitherto de
nounced as of that “evil genus of the
Negro race.” When will the Negro
race find honest and sincere leader
ship? It is clear to me, then, that
here in 1932 the Negro must start all
over again. We have been betrayed
long enough.
C. G. WOODSON.
Contacting With Lennox
— . _
October 6, 1932
Dr. G. B. Lennox,
1602% North 24th St.,
Omaha, Nebraska.
Re: Colored Teachers and Janitors.
Dear Sir:
Pardon me for not answering your
letter of the twenty-third before this.
I fully appreciate the attitude of
your people in the question of colored
teachers and janitors in the public
schools and can understand the ad
vantage to the young people in their
•ducational training if they could be
assured of the possibility of securing
teaching positions. I believe that1
such would be a wonderful incentive
to them.
However, as long as my term on
the School Board expires on January
first next, I do not feel that I should
express my views any further at the
present time.
With fullest appreciation of the
good work you are doing, I am
H. A- TUKEY
October 8, 1932
Mr. H. A. Tukey,
620 First National Bank Bldg.
Omaha, Nebraska.
Dear Mr. Tukey:
The information given in your letter
of October 6th, relative to Colored
teachers and janitors in the Omaha
public schools was highly appreciated.
I regret very much to know that
perhaps you are not contemplating on
serving again judging from your ex
pression. We realize your position
in expressing a more definite view
point along these lines at this particu
lar time, but we are sure you believe
that our group deserves consideration,
especially when you know they are!
taxed accordingly.
We are hoping you will reconsider
and run again for this office, unless
the law of the board permits a repre
sentative to serve only one term.
Perhaps in some way you will be
able to extend this matter to the one
who will follow you, in order that a
more definite plan regarding repre
sentation of our group in the Omaha
public school system can be worked
out.
Again thanking you for your con
siderate letter, I am
Respectfully yours,
DR. G. B. LENNOX
SIXTY FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF
JUBILEE SINGERS
Nashville, Tennessee, Oct. 1, 1932_
On Thursday, October 6, Fisk Univer
sity and alumni of Fisk the country
<ner will again do homage to the
group of young men and women which
sixty-one years ago challenged the
world to come to the aid of a few
visionaries whose dream has become
the Fisk of today. In 1871 this band
of young men and women, bom in
slavery, named from" that passage in
Leviticus, proclaiming a year of “jubi
lee”, started out to get help for their
school. They went to Europe in 1873
apd sang before Queen Victoria, the
King and Queen of Holland and other
royalty. On that first tour they earn
ed enough to build Jubilee Hall, where
Freshman girls now live. Mr An
drew J. Allison, Alumni Secretary,
who is in charge of the Jubilee Day
celebration has planned a full pro
gram. There is to be an early morn
ing hike with breakfast on the grounds
of the Girls Vocational School. The
special services in the Fisk Memorial
j Chapel will begin at eleven o’clock.
At this time there will be a three min
ute period of silent prayer when all
Fiskites, whereever they are will bow
their heads in reverence to the nine
men and women who had both cour
age and faith. After the prayer the
Mozart Society will sing “Faith of our
Fathers.” Then the scripture will be
read in commemoration of George L.
White who, when his band was weary
and discouraged to the point of giv
ing up, cheered them by reading pas
sages of scripture. Mrs. Miranda
Winter-McKissack will follow the
reading by a solo “In Bright Mansions
Above.” There are two of th original
Jubilee Singers living: Mrs. Mabel
Lewis Imes, the wee. lovely lady who
proudly points herself out among tha
Singers in the picture hanging in tha
Fisk chapel, and Mrs. Maggie Porter
Cole who for the first time in fifty
years visited Fisk last year, charming
everyone with her graciousness and
fascinating accounts of her exper
iences as a Jubilee Singer and teacher.
Unfortunately, neither of the two
Singers will be with Fisk this year to
help celebrate this great day. But
messages from both of them will be
read. “Swing Low Sweet Chariot,"
one of the most beautiful of the
spirituals, is the cry for help from the
anguished soul of Ella Sheppard
Moore. The spirit of Ella Sheppard
Moore will be the subject of a short
paper read by her great-grand-daugh
ter, Julia Moore. Martha Sutton,
Catherine Van Buren, Jerome Wright,
Harold N. Patton and Rutherford H.
Strider under the leadership of Mrs.
James A. Myers will sing “Steal Away
to Jesus." After a short address by
President Jones a prayer of thanks
giving will close the service.
In the afternoon at 3:00 o’clock
there will be a historical tour of Nash
ville. Rev. T. M. Brumfield, Dean
Lloyd Cofer, Prof. A. F. Shaw, have
planned to take the students seventy
years back in the making of their
nation and their Fisk. There will be
a dinner in Jubilee at six honoring
Miss Mary E. Spence, the daughter
of Adam K. Spence, one of the early
leaders of Fisk. After dinner she will
talk in the Jubilee Parlors to the new
Fiskites and tell them of the Fisk she
knew and love. At 8 o’clock the an
nual faculty banquet will be held.
Read The Guide
; - . * ,
I Omaha, Nebraska.
October 10, 1932.
To whom it may concern—
I, Charles G. Thcmas, has been a
policy holder in the World Insurance
Co., for a period of more than a year.
The monthly premium of $2.85 was
always paid and the Company never
found it necessary to reinstate my
insurance on account of nonpayment.
On July 10, 1932, I discovered a
small pimple on the inside ankle of
my right leg. I did not give it part
icular thought until it began to grow
larger and very uncomfortable by
itching. On July 17, 1932, I consult
ed Dr. A. L. Hawkins. He informed
me that it was an infection due, he
thought to a mosquito bite.
After dressing the ankle he told
me to come again to his office in two
days, at the end of which time the in
fection had grown worse.
I went to Dr. Hawkins’ office two
and sometimes three times'each week
for treatment, with no improvement
until July 1932.
On July 30, 1932, I went to the Ne
braska University Dispensary under
the supervision of Drs. Davis and
Weinberg.
I made three visits the first
week, and two visits for the follow
ing three weeks, always having to go
by taxi as I was unable to walk. In
the meantime, between visits to the
hospital, I was confined to my room
and in my bed, with my meals and
other necessaries being brought to
me at the advice of the doctors that
I must by all means keep off my leg.
My insurance policy with this com
pany provides a disability payment
of $10.00, ten dollars per week, but
the company allowed m the amount
of $4.66 per week, claiming in as
much as I was able to go to the hos
pital I was only partially disabled,
when as a matter of fact, had they
paid me the amount entitled, I could
have better provided myself with a
physician and necessary medicines.
I w-as disabled for a period of six
weeks. The company allowing me
partial payment for four week. The
total amount I should have received,
according to provisions in the policy
was $49.32. I only received $18.64.
In the District Court of Douglas
Couty, Nebraska,
Lavida Butler, Plaintiff, vs. Gem
W. Butler, defendant. Doc. 285, page
No. 1. NOTICE TO NON.RESI
DENT.
TO CLEM W. BUTLER, non-resident
Defendant: You are hereby notified
that Lavida Butler filed a petition a
gainst you in the District Court of
Douglas County, Nebraska, on the
2th Day of May. 1-932, in the case of
Lavida Butler, Plaintiff, vs. Gem W.
Butler, Defendant, Docket 285, Page
No. 1, the prayer of which requests
the Court to annul the fnarraige be
tween you and this Plaintiff on the
grounds of desertion and non-support.
You are required to answer said peti
tion on or before the 28t'n day of Nov
ember, 1932, or the allegations of the
said petition will be taken as true.
W. B. Bryant, Attorney.
