Published Every Saturday at 2418-20 Grant Street by THE OMAHA GUIDE PUBLISHING COMPANY, Incorporated Phone WEbster 1750 Al! New* Copy must be in our office not later than Monday at p m.. and all Advertising Copy or Paid Articles, not later than Wednesday at Noon. • Entered as S-eond Class mail matter, March 15, 1927, at the Post f ffi«e at Omal a. Nebraska, under the act of Congress of Mar. 3, 1879 SUBSCRIPTION RATES (Strictly in Advance) One Year . $2.00 Six Months . 1.25 Three Months .. 1.00 TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION—The Omaha Guide is issued weekly and will be sent to any part of the United States for $2.00 per year in advance. Canadian * ibacriptions (including postage! $2.50 in advance Forfeit subscriptions (including postage) $3.00 in ad vane.* Tr *1 s x months' subscriptions, $1.25. Trial Three months' aubscription $1.00. Single copy, 5 cents. RENEW AI>S -In renewing, give the name just as it appears on the la i. 'ji it I incorrect, in which case please call our attention to ihe .--.ik' an 1 always give the full address to which your paper has been sent. CHANGE OF ADDRESS—In ordering a change of address, always frt\ d and new addresses. If the paper does not reach you regularly. plea*« notify us at once. ADVERTISING RATES—Given upon application. REMITTANCES- S**nd payment by postal or express money order, rash in registered letter, bank check or stamps. OUR ADDRESS -Send all comma nic»tiea« to The Omaha Guide Pu ailing Company, Incorporated, 2418-20 Grant St.. Omaha, Nebr. Ail News Copy must be in our office not later than Noon Tuesday, and all Advertising Copy or Paid Articles not later than Wednesday at Noon. -— -szzzl—. - ..-. ♦ EDITORIALS!# u— ■ . . \\ in THE NEGRO SHOULD DIVIDE HIS VOTE ON NATIONAL ISSUES 1. The two outstanding parties have identically the >ame stand so far as the Negro’s rights and interests are concerned. Party principles are laid down in their national platforms, and cannot be judged by narrow local provincial pa-sions and prejudices. The Republican Part, wrote toe Reconstruction Amendments into the Constitution and still avers that it stands by these princ iples. The Democratic platform of 1876 accepted the re \i>« : C institution. Since then there has been no* dif feivnt i ronouncement or action contrary to this declar ati n, not even during the sixteen years when that party v. in control of the national Government. In the pres-j ent t« . and active voice the Republican party does and says n. t,.ing constructively in behalf of the Negro. The 1 democratic Party does and says nothing destructively a ga im. Speaking from the board national viewpoint e attitude of the two have gravitated to equality, which I I regret to say is near the zero point. So far as the two Chicago Conventions are concern ed. the two platforms are identical in substance and vary only in pharseology. The race has about as many weil wishers in one camp as the other. I cite the line up on the Howard University appropriation as proof of this as sertion. 2. The voting contingent of the race is found in the Northern and border states. We may as well rule out of the universe of the present discourse the disfran chised contingent in eight of the southern states. The annullment of the black man’s constitutional rights in the lower South is effected by local contrivance and national connivance. The outcome of the November election will not affect this condition one way or the other. There is no longer any force in the old argument that a Republic an victory meant the restoration of the Negro’s guaran teed rights in the South. Whether Hoover or Roosevelt is elected in November, he will leave the situation on March fourth, 1937, just where he found it March fourth, 1933. 3 The patriotism, loyalty, wisdom and good will can no longer be claimed as a monopoly of any one party. All v ish the return of prosperity and the coming of good times as the economic desideratum. Neither has any copyright method or infallible formula. Hoover and R r-evelt are alike feeling after the better way, if haply either might find it. There is no use for all to line up on one side when both are groping in the dark. 4 The bulk of the Negro voters in the next elec tion are under fifty years of age. They should vote ac cording to their emotions. Hitherto, the crafty politic jar).', a hite and black, have sought to play upon the Ne gro-' gullibility and have stampeded him into the party pen like dumb driven cattle. The Northern Negro voter find.' : at no other group allows itself to be thus stam pt-dtd: then why should he? Let the Negro vote for Ho er or for Roosevelt, if he thinks best. But he should ra t all himself to be lured by the Lincoln lore or fright « ■ i the Garner scare-crow. One can honor the prin ci: .rs of Lincoln as well by voting for Roosevelt as for Hoover. 5 The solid South and the solid Negro are the bane of our national politics. Neither will make any political, progress as long as they remain under bondage of fear. 1 r.e Negr • politicians will use the same tactics in 1932 as H :> *•'<• } in 1^2—herd the Negro into the Republican f‘ id for fear of the Democratic wolf. The race has made no r. re ; utical progress in fifty years than kiln dried timber. Dividing between parties, issues, men and meas ure' - ill li erate minds and make for political growth and development. It will also liberalize both parties and make for advancement all along the line. 6 On the ninth of November, one of two results ill be announced—either Hoover or Roosevelt will have been elected. It will be better for the race as a whole, in either event, if his vote shall have been divided and shall have contributed substantially to the winning side, (a) If Roosevelt wins, which is not unlikely, the race will be greath the jainer by helping to bring about such a result. Much of the Democratic hostility which the race has hith erto incurred has been due to its solid anti-Democratic at titude. The reason that the Northern Democrats are so friendly to him is because he divides with him a portion of his ballots, (b) If Hoover should win, it would be far better for the black brother if a check up showed that he received only half of his vote. The indifference of the present administration towards us is due to the fact that it received too many votes, white and black, in 1928. Even if the Negroes voted unanimously for Presi dent Hoover the margin was too slight to appreciably af fect the result. The N. A. A. C. P. is more influential in getting results than the knuckle-close Negro politicians because it is non-partizan, and will throw the weight of its influence against the administration when it goes awry, while the me-too-politicians will follow the party right or wrong. Nobody respects a dog or a man or a race that will stand kicks and rebuff without resentment. In the coming election the Negro has everything to gain and nothing to lose by dividing his vote. KELLY MILLER A GOOD INVESTMENT The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is making an appeal for $2500.00 to fur ther the investigation into the conditions alleged to exist among the Negro workers on the Mississippi Flood Con trol Project. The N. A. A. C. P. is our only National mili tant organization, and is an organization that has and is still proving its worth. When an appeal comes from this organization the answer should be 100 per cent. Let us all take this matter seriously and help the N. A. A. C. P. put over this investigation. The appeal says in part: “The twenty-five hundred dollars is absolutely necessary to pay the cost of certain vital investigations, the continuance of a campaign of pub licity, and other essential steps in the terrific struggle against efforts of the War Department to “whitewash” the brutal exploitation of colored workers on the Mississippi Flood Control Project. The N. A. A. C. P. is battling against tremendous odds. But if the fight is won it may result, together with certain necessary legislation, in one hundred million dol lars in wages to Negroes on this 10-year project. Senator Robert F. Wagner of New York, has agreed to introduce in Congress a Senate investigation. Our investigations must be made and the material must be in hand by De cember 1st for the Senate hearing. If our friends will rally to our aid this will and can be made one of the most sensational battles for justice the Negro has ever waged. “To protest against the Mississippi horror is but one part of the fight for jobs for Negroes. There is the same fight at Boulder Dam, a determined battle to assure Negroes a proportionate share of jobs, and wiping out of discrimination in employment on Federal-financed con struction, and in distribution of federal, state and city re lief funds. “To meet the crisis the Association has cut its ex penses to the bone. Its staff, never adequately paid, and its chief executives, receiving less than that of any simi lar organization, have already had two salary cuts. “We know that colored people have been hit harder than any other group by the economic crisis. E2ut the N. A. A. C. P.’s fight is of direct benefit to them. A fight for jobs, one that saves Jess Hollins in Oklahoma, Willie Pet erson in Alabama, and innocent Negroes in other states from the electric chair, one against a segregation ordi nance in Atlanta, discrimination in the distribution of free flour by the Red Cross in Florida, the extension of school segregation in Ohio—these and countless other struggles in which the N. A. A. C. P. reaches even into the heart of the deepest South must be carried on. “Are there 10,000 colored Americans out of twelve million who, even though it may be a sacrifice, will send the N. A. A. C. P. today from $1.00 to $5.00 each ? Every cent will be put to work; every cent will be acknowledged and, as is the N. A. A. C. P.’s invariable custom, a certified public accounting will be made of the expenditure of ev ery cent. “Come to our aid in fighting the battle of every American Negro. If you do you will play a great role in this struggle, and the results of whatever you may send will be seen in many ways, but most dramatically when we marshal at Washington in December, a host of wit nesses to testify before the Senate Committee. If you do not, one of the greatest battles for economic justice to the Negro may be lost.”—Walter White, Secretarv of the N. A. A. C. P. We have entered the last month of the National campaign—Governor Roosevelt has made his swing through the West, into the territory of unrest; he has tried to capitalize these elements to his advantage, by de livering speeches on the subjects that most affected the localities visited. While his party has denounced the Smoot-Hawley tariff, the candidate has been careful not to be too specific in sections that a rebenefitted or whose products are protected. He is silent as yet on whether he favors paying the veterans bonus. It looks as though the Democratic party, should they win, will take over a job that is going to swamp them it is easy to criticize, but what to do in case you are placed in the same situation is not so easy. The big guns of the G. 0. P. are assailing the ramparts of the Bourbons, disecting the talk of Candi date Roosevelt, whose flirting with the radicals or so called progressives is disquieting to conservatives, but whether this line of argument can be made effective to off set the Republican defection remains to be seen. An honest-to-goodness drive is being made to keep the colored troops in line; there is no more of that cock sure attitude, we can win without your vote. Too Much ^Hindsight" Insufficient Foresight The Negro exercises too much “hind- plaining that the librarian in one of sight,” and for that reason he loses its schools insists upon reading to the ground in the hotly contested battles children “ a great deal of literature of life. The Negro as a rule waits un- containing such phrases and words as til a thing happens before he tries to ‘nigger,’ ‘Blackie,’ ‘Little Black Sam avert it. He is too much like a man bo,’ etc.’r This lady, therefore, would whom I once saw knocked down in a like to get into that school some books physical combat. Instead of dodging by Negro authors. This is a com the blow when it was being dealt he mendable effort, but it comes a little arose from his prostration dodging it. late; I hope not too late. For example, I have just received For centuries such literature has a letter from a lady in Pittsburgh com been circulated among the children of the modern world, and they have,! therefore, come to regard the Negro as inferior. Now that some of our similarly miseducated Negroes are seeing how they have been deceived they are awakening to address them selves to a long neglected task. They should have been thinking about this generations ago. for they have a tre mendous task before them today in dispelling this error and counteracting the results of such bias in our litera ture. I have just received also from a friend in Edinburgh, Scotland, a dire ful account of the increase in race prejudice in those parts. Sailors who had frequented the stronghold of race prejudice in South Africa undertook recently to prevent Negro men from socializing with British women at a dance; and certain professors of the l University of Edinburgh with the same attitude show so much of it in their teaching that this friend en treats us to send them informing books on the Negro. We are doing it. Here again, however, the effort to uproot error and popularize the truth 1 comes rather late. The Negro since freedom has gone along grinning, whooping, and “cutting shines” while the white man has applied himself to the task of defining the status of the Negro and compelling him to accept it as thus settled forever While the Negro has been idle, propaganda has gone far ahead of history. Unfortu nately, too, Negro “scholars” have assisted in the production of such lit erature which gives this point of view. Of this we may cite several exam ples. Negroes cooperated with Thomas Jesse Jones in working out his report on Negro education, which by misrep resentation did the race more harm than any other production of that period save Thomas Dixon’s “Clans man.” A few years ago the Negroes engaged in the work of the Y. M. C. A. cooperated with W. D. Weatherford in producing a most scandalous and libellous book on the Negro entitled “Present Forces in the Progress of the Negro.” More recently Negroes have cooperated with T. J. Woofter, who in his “Race Adjustment” justified segregation and in his report on agri cultural conditions makes a good case for peonage and slavery enforced on the cotton and sugar plantations. If the Negroes keep up such cooperation ■ they will soon be “cooperated” back into bondage. Recently I had to restrain myself , from lending aid to the same sort' of thing, I was asked to contribute to the “Dictionary of American Biogra phy” edited by the late Allen Johnson. At his request I drew up the list of Negroes who by all means should be aed. Some of these were accept ed and some were rejectd. I was ■ called on to write a few sketches for him, but I soon discovered that the more important sketches of Negroes were being assigned to others to be written according to order. When the editor refused to spell NegTO with a capital letter, omiter Benjamin Ban naker altogether as unworthy of any mention, and branded John Brown as a capital letter, omitted Benj. Ban the staff in protest. I could not afford to be associated with men who lacked historic perspective and showed such disregard for the truth. This last experience convinced me more than ever that if the story of the Negro is ever told it must be done by scientifically trained Negroes who will be above writing to obtain money. Yet I do not take the position that white men should not write about the Negro. There are certain aspects of our life which because of ramifications into theirs, may be better developed b them than by Negroes themselves. In the case of presenting the real his tory and the status of the Negro, however, men of other races cannot function efficiently because they do not think black. m tnis case I am saying no moxe than a proiessor of Columbia univti sny, wuo is now working out a series ui reauero to show tne contributions ox tne various elements of our popu lation to tne malting of this country. He is insisting that each contribution be evaluated by a member of the race thus treated. The reader concerning tne Italians in America must be writ ten by an Italian; that concerning the Greek by a Greek; and that concern ing the Negro by a Negro. This white educator takes the position tnui in the final analysis only the Negro tan properly set forth his history ana status. I or a few dollars, however, Negroes have been and still are assist ing whites who work to the contrary and make our lot harder and harder as the years go by. ■ims is precisely what our “leading” Negroes are doing in the case of the so-called encyclopaedia of the Negro. The step was taken by Anson Phelps Stokes and Thomas Jesse Jones in April of last year at a meeting of the Phelps Stokes Fund, which finances Jones as the spokesman for the Ne gTo behind closed doors. They called a meeting of all Negro scholars and educators of “consequence” last No vember to confer with certain whites interested in the Negro. I was not considered the proper sort of man to be invited. At the meeting in Novem ber, however, one of those invited who complained that I had not been asked to cooperate made a motion that I be called to the next meeting. Of course, I could not accept any such “left handed” invitation which did not originate with those who started the movement, and especially so since cer tain operations of both Jones and Stokes have done the Negroes much harm. I set forth this fact in com municatins which I addressed to each member of this conference and in formed them that the Associated Pub lishers, drawing upon the data col lected for this purpose since 1922 by the Association for the Study of Ne gro Life and History, will publish an Encyclopaedia Africana” in 1933. For the prospect of a few thousand dollars each, however, Negro “schol ars ’ have been rushing to Stokes and Jones in hungryfashion to get on their editorial staff. They have also ap pealed to me again and again to join them, but I never accept the “gifts of the Greeks.” If Stokes and Jones are sincere why do they not turn this fund over to a well established Negro agen cy already prepared to do the work rather than set up a corporation to hire Negroes to do what they want done ? This has been the white man’s policy in dealing with the Negro ever since 1619; and because of it the Ne gTo is in the bread line today. I am not surprised at some of these hungry Negroes, but Du Bois’s action startles and discourages me. We have always looked upon him as a man who will not sell out, and as such he has been the moving spirit of the N. A. A C; P. We lost a little of our faith in him when he was willing to give up the fight for democracy for such a gewgaw or toy as a captain’s uniform during the World War; and now for the prospect of money he goes over “to eat crow” from the hands of Stokes and Jones whose chicanery and machinations he has hitherto de nounced as of that “evil genus of the Negro race.” When will the Negro race find honest and sincere leader ship? It is clear to me, then, that here in 1932 the Negro must start all over again. We have been betrayed long enough. C. G. WOODSON. Contacting With Lennox — . _ October 6, 1932 Dr. G. B. Lennox, 1602% North 24th St., Omaha, Nebraska. Re: Colored Teachers and Janitors. Dear Sir: Pardon me for not answering your letter of the twenty-third before this. I fully appreciate the attitude of your people in the question of colored teachers and janitors in the public schools and can understand the ad vantage to the young people in their •ducational training if they could be assured of the possibility of securing teaching positions. I believe that1 such would be a wonderful incentive to them. However, as long as my term on the School Board expires on January first next, I do not feel that I should express my views any further at the present time. With fullest appreciation of the good work you are doing, I am H. A- TUKEY October 8, 1932 Mr. H. A. Tukey, 620 First National Bank Bldg. Omaha, Nebraska. Dear Mr. Tukey: The information given in your letter of October 6th, relative to Colored teachers and janitors in the Omaha public schools was highly appreciated. I regret very much to know that perhaps you are not contemplating on serving again judging from your ex pression. We realize your position in expressing a more definite view point along these lines at this particu lar time, but we are sure you believe that our group deserves consideration, especially when you know they are! taxed accordingly. We are hoping you will reconsider and run again for this office, unless the law of the board permits a repre sentative to serve only one term. Perhaps in some way you will be able to extend this matter to the one who will follow you, in order that a more definite plan regarding repre sentation of our group in the Omaha public school system can be worked out. Again thanking you for your con siderate letter, I am Respectfully yours, DR. G. B. LENNOX SIXTY FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF JUBILEE SINGERS Nashville, Tennessee, Oct. 1, 1932_ On Thursday, October 6, Fisk Univer sity and alumni of Fisk the country