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About The independent. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1902-1907 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 23, 1905)
NOVEMBER 2&t 1905 PAGE D t . t i . I j 1 C6j Nebraska. Indopondcirt - position is exceedingly delicate and hard. Many Brazilians are insured with the Ameri can companies. They naturally write to the 'American representative for information about recent disclosures, probably garbled in cabling and not adequately understood by anybody unable to follow the developments here from day to day. Mr. Thompson would be con stantly called upon, just as the American "minister is called upon anywhere, to give the best explanation in his power. It is one of the most important and least advertised duties of diplomacy. Such inquiries are in variably handled by means of a private com munication to each applicant, and, even at that, these communications, as anybody who remembers the cast of Lord Lyons will un derstand, call for the exercise of a great dial of caution and tact. Mr. Thompson - night have been forgiven if he had merely ommitted himself to the unquestionably true statement that the New York Life Insurance company was financially sound, and ,that foreign policyholders therefore need be under no alarm. But after stating that the com pany is conducted by "good men," and ad mitting that he knows nothing of the truth ir falsify of the charges published, Mr. Thompson goes on to state positively that any irregularity could not be more than Insignificant, compared with the vast assets of the company." It is, of course, impossible to say, at this distance, what kind of irregul larity Mr. Thompson would consider "signifi cant." Are oral accountings, dual trans actions, doctored statements, contributions to political committees, open house at Albany, significant or not? Wall Street Journal. TRIUMPH OF REFORM The election results continue to afford inspira tion for the moralist. Everywhere the interests of good government won complete or partial vic tory. In Toledo, Ohio, the people are still cham- pions of the "golden rule" in municipal affairs, having chosen Brand Wbitlock, a friend and sup porter of "Golden Rule" Jones, as their mayor: We may have been a fickle people, but earnestness and intellect are rapidly taking the place of the changeableness which mani fested itself in the nation - few years ago. When Sam Jones was elected mayor of Toledo for the first time there was much dis cussion as to the kind of government he would administer, for his "peculiar" beliefs concerning his duty- toward his fellow men were known. By many his election was considered no small calamity, and death to morality and observance of law was pre dicted. But Sam Jones' rule was so clear a demonstration that the old, and all but for gotten, golden rule, is yet the wisest and most effective law by which modern men can be governed, that the citizens of Toledo re-elected him again and again, and the city became famous the world over because of its golden rule government, and the names "Toledo" Jones and "Golden Rule" Jones stood as ex - amples of justice and mercy which has been followed, in more or less degree, by those in authority in the entire United States. Once the long-buried principle had been resurrect ed, the people of Toledo were determined that it 'should never again die; and on Tuesday they placed the government of their city in the hands of a man who was the close friend of Golden Rule Jones, a man who shared his confidences, who felt his inspirations, who understood his motives and who sympathized with his purposes. And thus it is that the people are no longer fickle, but are rooted and grounded in their devotion to the perpetua- tion of that kind of government which deals with men as individuals, worthy of consider ation, too often victims of their environ ments, subjects of their passions, and slaves of their appetites. -Columbus Press-Post. The general feeling of satisfaction over the uprising against political machines in the recent elections reflects a stronger op timism concerning the fundamental moral soundness of American life. There is prob ably today less pessimism over the scandals and frauds in business, finance and politics than seemed to exist six or threo months ago. One gets a certain tonic from the fpec tacle of millions of voters expressing In an emphatic way their discontent, their repro bation, their wrath over the evil that sur round them, for the prevalence of such a spirit among the mass of the people cannot but Hgnlfy tho existence of wi atmosphere which Is hostile to evil growth and prac tices. It 1 a Rood time to take UvA courage. One is even helped in estimating correctly the moral tendencies of our age, especially in politics, by recalling how wicked our an cestors were. There is much concerning "the good old days" that would be gladly forgotten, but occasionally it is necessary to compare the old and the new in the effort to keep a steady judgment concerning the real drift of things. One comes across interesting evidence of this character in a new book on Rhode Island by Mr. Richman. He tells us a significant story, showing that the struggle against corruption began as soon as the com monwealth had been founded by Roger Wil liams. These isolated passages present the salient facts: In the seventeenth century, as early, as 1649, it was found necessary by Providence Plantations to pass an act in restraint to fraudulent voting, and in 1666 . (under the charter) a penalty of five pounds was prescribed against voting on the part of persons who were not freemen. In the eightenth century between 1710 and 1750, the paper money era fraudulent voting and bribery were practiced with extreme boldness. Throughout the period of the Hopkins-Ward controversy, which did not end until 1768, votes (especially in Narragansett) were bought quite systematically. In 1799 ratifica tion of the federal constitution is said to have been secured through purchased votes those of delegates from "back towns." If the American people of this generation were not alive to the perils of moral degeneracy in their political life, the prospect would be most dark. They have lately proved that honesty and a high sense of honor appeal powerfully to their nature, and, so long as such is their character, why dread the work ing out of their political destiny? Springfield Republican. With the one notable exception of Mr. Jerome's canvass it has been the "organiza tion" that has conducted every political can vass and has given the character for honesty or dishonesty to election methods. The candidate stands for the issues; the party mechanism controls such physical attributes as ballots, balot boxes and campaign funds. The recent remarkable rise of the independent voter attests the con viction of the voter that mere legal devices are not sufficient to guard against or prevent corrupt practices by party organizations. The way to keep them pure or even more honest than dishonest is to vote against them when they do not act "on the level." Kansas City Star. A correspondent- reports that a friend who went to New York to manage a large corporation received, notice that the com pany's personal property tax would amount to $11,317. A few days later a man called who announced himself as a Tammany agent and offered to "fix up" the assessment. As a result of their deal the, agent was paid $1,200 and the tax was reduced to $265. This, the correspondent says, is a sample of what is going on all the time in New York. . Hav ing found that the people would not stand for police blackmail, the organization has largely transferred its operations to business. Perhaps, by the way, this may help to explain "dough day" of Tammany hall Kansas City Times. A VIEW OF RUSSIA'S CRISIS Eltweed Pomeroy, the writer and lecturer on social, economic and political topics, is a keen observer. Writing to the editor of The Tndopond- ent recently, he stated his views of the Russian situation as follows: Of course we are sorry for Russia, and the poor, weak, well-meaning czar. But we now recall the wild tales told of the few Rus sian grand dukes who visited this country, how they drank champagne out of actresses shoes and such like folly, and really we are not surprised. Our rulers even In sodden Phila delphia could not do such. Anyway Russia never bought much from us and her rulers have outrageously stolen from most of our business men who invested in Russia. ThiH Russian wheat was becoming n scrlon com petitor with our wheat. Well, suppose the mutineers and rioters do close tho harbor of Odessa, the greatest wheat shipping port In Russia. That mfans that wheat will go up, that the western farmer will make better profits and ho is a good customer of tho eastern manufacturer, l-astly we believe In representa.lv Institutions and Russia has not got them and of course she will get them out of all this turmoil and trouble. Business can get along much better with representa tive institutions than with an autocracy and of course we felt sure that the autocracy would show Itself lnfllcient, which it has done. Think of that Russian admiral disbanding his Black Sea fleet because one ship of the fleet had mutinied. It Is a subject fit for a comic opera. We cannot conceive of Dewey, Samp son, Schley or Fighting Bob Evans ever thinking of such a course. Russia has proved that she was simply big, not great. And out of the impending anarchy a new nation or nations will come up, who will become good customers of ours. Think of the vast oppor tunities for business with a business govern ment in Russia and Siberia. We are only sorry that the task of re-organizing the gov ernment of Russia on business lines could not be entrusted to a Rockefeller or a Morgan or a Carnegie, and it would be done much bet ter, much quicker, much cheaper and the doer of it would get a big fortune out of it. But these men will come later. We need not be surprised if the people of Russia ere hot against their late bosses. We were hot against our bosses last Tues day. Our way of expressing our indignation, doeOnot go to the point of violence because it is not necessary, but It goes to the point of contempt, hatred and a serious contempla tion of the penitentiary as their future abode. Suppose we had had Murphies and McCarrens and Coxes for centuries Instead of years and saw finally one man striving to rid us of them. Would it not be our part to come to that man's assistance with all our might, even though that might strayed over the lines of law? The Russian people have borne so much, have been fooled so often and have been so wickedly treated that they cannot be expected to treat the revolution as a friendly lawsuit. They are mad to the core and ter ribly In earnest. Revolution may be averted if the people are convinced that their mas ters are sincere in their abdication, but it may go to any lengths if suspicion of the motives of the czar are not entirely removed by frank dealing. Minneapolis Journal. Undoubtedly the massacre of Jews which is going on all over the Russian empire is the gravest indictment of all the counts in the black arraignment of Russia's belated civilization. Nothing more convincingly shows it to be but little yet about the slough of the Durk Ages Europe. It is especially damning when it appears, as it does, that the massacres have, or have had till the fall of the political head of the Russian church, some sort of official prompting and authoriza tion. Pobiedonostseff had prescribed for the cure of all the ills of Russia the reduction of the Jewish population to one-third its ex isting size: one-third to be sent out of the country, and another third to be disposed of by the process now in full fury. It is a dis grace to the nineteenth century and all Chris tendom. BoHlon Transcript. It is a wonderful dream that Russia is dreaming. Here Is one-fourteenth of the world's people aroused and angry, hungry for liberty, and determined to have it at any cost. Opposing them is a bureaucracy al ready partly deposed and trembling for its life, yet controlling for the present a great military machine. Between the mad masses and tho bureaucrats and the army is Do Witte, the man of the hour, holding back with one hand the impatient people, while with the other he strives to fashion the re forms that they demand. In the background, impelling the people on, looms a dark spirit which presses itself forward with almost irrestlble force, crying, "I am revolution, I am civil war, I am anarchy, I utii terror, mur der, lust, rapine, destruction. I havo nothing to recommend mo to the established order. I am conceived in oppression and nourished by hatred. I trail my foul length across a country, and the fao of It shrivels up, and In Its place Is tho desolate horror of sacked and burned towns, dead men and women and children bereft and left alone. I am that which makes all men tduiddor when they behold me. I "am sin, I am death. I am all the angry passions aroused. But I beget freedom, llwht, and liberty. Therefore I am Justifiable." It la a bad dream, but It M out such dreams that liberty seems to upring. It is n nightmare, but there Is hope In It for Russia. The world Manila by with bated breath, wondering If the dream will coino true. ChlruKo Tribune.