NOVEMBER 2&t 1905
PAGE D
t . t i . I j 1
C6j Nebraska. Indopondcirt
- position is exceedingly delicate and hard.
Many Brazilians are insured with the Ameri
can companies. They naturally write to the
'American representative for information about
recent disclosures, probably garbled in cabling
and not adequately understood by anybody
unable to follow the developments here from
day to day. Mr. Thompson would be con
stantly called upon, just as the American
"minister is called upon anywhere, to give
the best explanation in his power. It is one
of the most important and least advertised
duties of diplomacy. Such inquiries are in
variably handled by means of a private com
munication to each applicant, and, even at
that, these communications, as anybody who
remembers the cast of Lord Lyons will un
derstand, call for the exercise of a great
dial of caution and tact. Mr. Thompson
- night have been forgiven if he had merely
ommitted himself to the unquestionably true
statement that the New York Life Insurance
company was financially sound, and ,that
foreign policyholders therefore need be under
no alarm. But after stating that the com
pany is conducted by "good men," and ad
mitting that he knows nothing of the truth
ir falsify of the charges published, Mr.
Thompson goes on to state positively that
any irregularity could not be more than
Insignificant, compared with the vast assets
of the company." It is, of course, impossible
to say, at this distance, what kind of irregul
larity Mr. Thompson would consider "signifi
cant." Are oral accountings, dual trans
actions, doctored statements, contributions
to political committees, open house at Albany,
significant or not? Wall Street Journal.
TRIUMPH OF REFORM
The election results continue to afford inspira
tion for the moralist. Everywhere the interests
of good government won complete or partial vic
tory. In Toledo, Ohio, the people are still cham-
pions of the "golden rule" in municipal affairs,
having chosen Brand Wbitlock, a friend and sup
porter of "Golden Rule" Jones, as their mayor:
We may have been a fickle people, but
earnestness and intellect are rapidly taking
the place of the changeableness which mani
fested itself in the nation - few years ago.
When Sam Jones was elected mayor of
Toledo for the first time there was much dis
cussion as to the kind of government he
would administer, for his "peculiar" beliefs
concerning his duty- toward his fellow men
were known. By many his election was
considered no small calamity, and death to
morality and observance of law was pre
dicted. But Sam Jones' rule was so clear a
demonstration that the old, and all but for
gotten, golden rule, is yet the wisest and most
effective law by which modern men can be
governed, that the citizens of Toledo re-elected
him again and again, and the city became
famous the world over because of its golden
rule government, and the names "Toledo"
Jones and "Golden Rule" Jones stood as ex
- amples of justice and mercy which has been
followed, in more or less degree, by those in
authority in the entire United States. Once
the long-buried principle had been resurrect
ed, the people of Toledo were determined that
it 'should never again die; and on Tuesday
they placed the government of their city in
the hands of a man who was the close friend
of Golden Rule Jones, a man who shared his
confidences, who felt his inspirations, who
understood his motives and who sympathized
with his purposes. And thus it is that the
people are no longer fickle, but are rooted and
grounded in their devotion to the perpetua-
tion of that kind of government which deals
with men as individuals, worthy of consider
ation, too often victims of their environ
ments, subjects of their passions, and slaves
of their appetites. -Columbus Press-Post.
The general feeling of satisfaction over
the uprising against political machines in
the recent elections reflects a stronger op
timism concerning the fundamental moral
soundness of American life. There is prob
ably today less pessimism over the scandals
and frauds in business, finance and politics
than seemed to exist six or threo months
ago. One gets a certain tonic from the fpec
tacle of millions of voters expressing In an
emphatic way their discontent, their repro
bation, their wrath over the evil that sur
round them, for the prevalence of such a
spirit among the mass of the people cannot
but Hgnlfy tho existence of wi atmosphere
which Is hostile to evil growth and prac
tices. It 1 a Rood time to take UvA courage.
One is even helped in estimating correctly
the moral tendencies of our age, especially
in politics, by recalling how wicked our an
cestors were. There is much concerning
"the good old days" that would be gladly
forgotten, but occasionally it is necessary to
compare the old and the new in the effort to
keep a steady judgment concerning the real
drift of things. One comes across interesting
evidence of this character in a new book on
Rhode Island by Mr. Richman. He tells us
a significant story, showing that the struggle
against corruption began as soon as the com
monwealth had been founded by Roger Wil
liams. These isolated passages present the
salient facts: In the seventeenth century,
as early, as 1649, it was found necessary by
Providence Plantations to pass an act in
restraint to fraudulent voting, and in 1666 .
(under the charter) a penalty of five pounds
was prescribed against voting on the part of
persons who were not freemen. In the
eightenth century between 1710 and 1750,
the paper money era fraudulent voting and
bribery were practiced with extreme boldness.
Throughout the period of the Hopkins-Ward
controversy, which did not end until 1768,
votes (especially in Narragansett) were
bought quite systematically. In 1799 ratifica
tion of the federal constitution is said to
have been secured through purchased votes
those of delegates from "back towns." If
the American people of this generation were
not alive to the perils of moral degeneracy
in their political life, the prospect would be
most dark. They have lately proved that
honesty and a high sense of honor appeal
powerfully to their nature, and, so long as
such is their character, why dread the work
ing out of their political destiny? Springfield
Republican.
With the one notable exception of Mr.
Jerome's canvass it has been the "organiza
tion" that has conducted every political can
vass and has given the character for
honesty or dishonesty to election methods.
The candidate stands for the issues; the
party mechanism controls such physical
attributes as ballots, balot boxes and
campaign funds. The recent remarkable
rise of the independent voter attests the con
viction of the voter that mere legal devices
are not sufficient to guard against or prevent
corrupt practices by party organizations. The
way to keep them pure or even more honest
than dishonest is to vote against them when
they do not act "on the level." Kansas City
Star.
A correspondent- reports that a friend
who went to New York to manage a large
corporation received, notice that the com
pany's personal property tax would amount
to $11,317. A few days later a man called
who announced himself as a Tammany agent
and offered to "fix up" the assessment. As
a result of their deal the, agent was paid
$1,200 and the tax was reduced to $265. This,
the correspondent says, is a sample of what
is going on all the time in New York. . Hav
ing found that the people would not stand
for police blackmail, the organization has
largely transferred its operations to business.
Perhaps, by the way, this may help to explain
"dough day" of Tammany hall Kansas City
Times.
A VIEW OF RUSSIA'S CRISIS
Eltweed Pomeroy, the writer and lecturer on
social, economic and political topics, is a keen
observer. Writing to the editor of The Tndopond-
ent recently, he stated his views of the Russian
situation as follows:
Of course we are sorry for Russia, and
the poor, weak, well-meaning czar. But we
now recall the wild tales told of the few Rus
sian grand dukes who visited this country,
how they drank champagne out of actresses
shoes and such like folly, and really we are not
surprised. Our rulers even In sodden Phila
delphia could not do such. Anyway Russia
never bought much from us and her rulers
have outrageously stolen from most of our
business men who invested in Russia. ThiH
Russian wheat was becoming n scrlon com
petitor with our wheat. Well, suppose the
mutineers and rioters do close tho harbor of
Odessa, the greatest wheat shipping port In
Russia. That mfans that wheat will go up,
that the western farmer will make better
profits and ho is a good customer of tho
eastern manufacturer, l-astly we believe In
representa.lv Institutions and Russia has
not got them and of course she will get them
out of all this turmoil and trouble. Business
can get along much better with representa
tive institutions than with an autocracy and
of course we felt sure that the autocracy
would show Itself lnfllcient, which it has done.
Think of that Russian admiral disbanding his
Black Sea fleet because one ship of the fleet
had mutinied. It Is a subject fit for a comic
opera. We cannot conceive of Dewey, Samp
son, Schley or Fighting Bob Evans ever
thinking of such a course. Russia has proved
that she was simply big, not great. And out
of the impending anarchy a new nation or
nations will come up, who will become good
customers of ours. Think of the vast oppor
tunities for business with a business govern
ment in Russia and Siberia. We are only
sorry that the task of re-organizing the gov
ernment of Russia on business lines could not
be entrusted to a Rockefeller or a Morgan
or a Carnegie, and it would be done much bet
ter, much quicker, much cheaper and the
doer of it would get a big fortune out of it.
But these men will come later.
We need not be surprised if the people of
Russia ere hot against their late bosses.
We were hot against our bosses last Tues
day. Our way of expressing our indignation,
doeOnot go to the point of violence because
it is not necessary, but It goes to the point
of contempt, hatred and a serious contempla
tion of the penitentiary as their future abode.
Suppose we had had Murphies and McCarrens
and Coxes for centuries Instead of years and
saw finally one man striving to rid us of
them. Would it not be our part to come to
that man's assistance with all our might,
even though that might strayed over the lines
of law? The Russian people have borne so
much, have been fooled so often and have
been so wickedly treated that they cannot be
expected to treat the revolution as a friendly
lawsuit. They are mad to the core and ter
ribly In earnest. Revolution may be averted
if the people are convinced that their mas
ters are sincere in their abdication, but it
may go to any lengths if suspicion of the
motives of the czar are not entirely removed
by frank dealing. Minneapolis Journal.
Undoubtedly the massacre of Jews which
is going on all over the Russian empire is
the gravest indictment of all the counts in
the black arraignment of Russia's belated
civilization. Nothing more convincingly
shows it to be but little yet about the slough
of the Durk Ages Europe. It is especially
damning when it appears, as it does, that the
massacres have, or have had till the fall
of the political head of the Russian church,
some sort of official prompting and authoriza
tion. Pobiedonostseff had prescribed for the
cure of all the ills of Russia the reduction
of the Jewish population to one-third its ex
isting size: one-third to be sent out of the
country, and another third to be disposed of
by the process now in full fury. It is a dis
grace to the nineteenth century and all Chris
tendom. BoHlon Transcript.
It is a wonderful dream that Russia is
dreaming. Here Is one-fourteenth of the
world's people aroused and angry, hungry
for liberty, and determined to have it at any
cost. Opposing them is a bureaucracy al
ready partly deposed and trembling for its
life, yet controlling for the present a great
military machine. Between the mad masses
and tho bureaucrats and the army is Do
Witte, the man of the hour, holding back
with one hand the impatient people, while
with the other he strives to fashion the re
forms that they demand. In the background,
impelling the people on, looms a dark spirit
which presses itself forward with almost
irrestlble force, crying, "I am revolution, I
am civil war, I am anarchy, I utii terror, mur
der, lust, rapine, destruction. I havo nothing
to recommend mo to the established order.
I am conceived in oppression and nourished
by hatred. I trail my foul length across a
country, and the fao of It shrivels up, and
In Its place Is tho desolate horror of sacked
and burned towns, dead men and women and
children bereft and left alone. I am that
which makes all men tduiddor when they
behold me. I "am sin, I am death. I am all
the angry passions aroused. But I beget
freedom, llwht, and liberty. Therefore I am
Justifiable." It la a bad dream, but It M out
such dreams that liberty seems to upring.
It is n nightmare, but there Is hope In It for
Russia. The world Manila by with bated
breath, wondering If the dream will coino
true. ChlruKo Tribune.
