HIRAM JOHNSON’S SOMBRERO IS ON EDGE OF RING
---- -—■—- ;«
Seen as Foe
of Coolidge
for Office
Will Be Led by Force of His
Nature to Seek Presidency
on Progressive
Issue.
Lasker to Support Him
By MARK SULLIVAN.
\ Senator Johnson of California has
come to a point where his movements
and utterances are watched by all re
publican politicians with a concern
which writs from benevolence to
alarm. Senator Johnson personally
Is In his home state. There he and
his friends are making a fight to
name the California delegation of 28
members to the coming national re
publican nominating convention.
Johnson says he merely wants a "pro
gressive” delegation and adds the
qualifying phrase that "this is with
out regard to myself.”
Practical politicians who survey this
action are not necessarily cynical
about Johnson's good faith, but they
doubt whether the distinction implied
In Senator Johnson’s words can be
maintained. If he is engaged in try
ing to name the California delegation
sooner or later he must say whether
or not it is the intention that this
delegation shall be for Johnson for
president. Senator Johnson may or
may not seek this issue, but at some
state of the fight the issue will be
forced upon him. It is Inherent in
the situation.
If Johnson names the delegation it
will necessarily bo a Johnson-for-pres
ident delegation. It is Inevitable that
the opposition faction of the, party
will crystallize about some other can
didate, presumably Coolidge, and
Johnson will then bo pressed to an
nounce himself as a candidate on the
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[most familiar of the axioms of prac
tical politics—namely, that you can't
fight somebody with nobody.
In short, fronr the point of view of
practical politics, Johnson is at this
moment engaged in a course which
implies strongly either that he al
ready intends to be a candidate or
that events will force him to be a
candidate. This is so. even if his
present intention should go no fur
ther than merely to name the per
sonnel of the California delegation
and dominate it in the writing of the
platform and throughout the conven
tion generally.
It is entirely possible that the pres
ent qualification Johnson puts on his
attitude is in good faith and that he
has no present purpose further than
to name the delegation. Hut Johnson
belongs to that temperamental class
of persons who are led unconsciously
by the law of their natures and who
Inevitably do /the thing that reflects
a purpose tenaciously held, but us
yet not avowed even to themselves.
Johnson Wants Presidency.
For that matter there need not he
much doubt that Johnson wants to
throw is hat into the ring, wants to
get the republican nomination and
wants to be president of the United
States. Johnson himself has said this
■ n an intimate letter to a friend, which
letter became public through the
machinations of one who Is not a
friend, much to Johnson's embarrass
ment and Indignation.
Johnson wants, and has long
wanted, to be president. He had,
however, so long^is the late President
Harding was alive, definitely, though
with cl nging regret, put aside that
ambition for the present. He had
put it aside largely because he be
lieved it would be impossible for him
under his particular circumstances to
take the nomination away from Hard
ing.
Aside from general consideration,
such as the difficulty of taking the
nomination away from a president al
ready In office and surrounded by a
compact organization of personal
appointees and persons otherwise
loyal to him—aside from this general
difficulty, Johnson had, in addition,
to face the particular difficulty
that some of his closest political
friends, some of them men upon whom
he must rely most heavily to fight
for him, were also intimate friends of
President Harding and would never
turn a hand to get the nomination
for Johnson so long as Harding was
alive and wanted it. The most im
portant one of Johnson's friends who
comes under this description was and
is Albert D. Lasker, who was John’
son’s principal backer in 1920, but
who subsequently became one of
Harding's closest political Intimates
and the beneficiary of Harding's
favor, officially as chairman of the
shipping board and unofficially in a
thousand ways.
Derision Is Eventful.
With the death of Harding the
whole political map changed for
Johnson. From having come com
fortably to the inn of decision ns re
spects the question of contesting with
Harding, he was thrown again into
the sea of doubts, hopes and specula
tion. Lasker, who, while Harding
lived, would not have helped Johnson,
could now be counted on. Coolidgs
might be easier t<f beat than Harding
(and yet. again, he might not—much
depends on Colldge’s future record).
These and a score of f iber ele
ments in the situation so rearranged
the whole political map as to put the
matter up again to Johnson for con
sideration and decision. All this un
doubtedly has been pulling and haul
ing at Johnson's uneasy spirit ever
since Harding died. As to the out
come, decidedly the best guess is that
the net result of the pull of John
son's temp-rament and of all the
other considerations tends to carry
him with increasing momentum to
ward the decision to throw his hat
into the ring.
Not all the changes wrought in the
situation by Harding death's were fa
vorable to Johnson. While many of
the sudden shifts and realignments
brought about by the emergence of
Corlidge tended to make It easier for
Johnson to run, some of them point
ed the other way. Conspicuous among
the latter was the defection of Sen
atnr Mose/ 0f New Hampshire
During the period while Harding
was still alive it seemed to us here at
Washington that among those who
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OFFICIAL REPORT OF TESTS
Made by the Omaha Testing Laboratories tq the Building Department, City of Omaha, and
National Concrete Products Association.
D. R. Donlen, Secretary, Mid West Concrete Products Association, Omaha, Neb.:
Following is a report of tests made on three concrete building blocks selected by you at the
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Simpl* Dimension* Are* Absorption Breaking Cwnpreiilo* per Sq. In.
No. Inch** Sq. In. Percent Pound* Gro** Aroo Net Aro*
A 15.75x7.88x7.75 124.1 3.27 174,000 1,400 lb*. 2,332 !b».
B IS.75x7.75x7.75 122 3.38 173,000 1.417 lb*. 2.362 lb*.
C IS.83x7.88x7.88 IZS.I 2.34 200,000 plu* 1.866 plu* 2.662 plu*
AVERAGE COMPRESSION PER SQ. INCH 1.471 2.482
These blocks were of the three-hole type with 40 per cent air space. They were approxi
mately 90 days old. Sample C could not he crushed with our machine as its capacity is just 200,000
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y THE OMAHA TESTING LABORATORIES
By W. H. C'ampen.
Some People Did Not Believe Our Statemen 1* on Ab*orption and Strength.
Remember REAL WATERPROOF CONCRETE BLOCKS Are Only Manufactured by the
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Tel. WA 6773, 42d and Parker Sta. FRANK WHIPPERMAN, Prea.
at that time tried hard to overcome
Johnson'* disinclination to contest
with Harding, the New Hampshire
senator was of the foremost. Moses
was and is a most Irreconcilable op
ponent of the league of nations, of
the world court, and of all other
things European.
He was and Is the very incarnation
of the spirit of Isolation. Moses per
sonally had had a good deal of ex
perience with Europe. Curing the
administration of Taft he was our
minister to Greece and as such had
had a good deal of contact with the
diplomacy of Europe as practiced In
that remote southeastern corner of
the continent. Apparently the ex
perience left Senator Moses with dis
illusionment and bitterness as the
most constant companions of his
spirit so far as regards Europe,
European statesmen and European
diplomacy.
in any event, Senator Moses’ Im
placable hostility to any association
of the United States with Europe was
of such intensity that It failed to find
satisfaction, Jailed to feel sufficient
assurance in the rather mlddle-of-the
road policy that Harding had about
Europe. Moses was among those who
were most sensationally alarmed by
Harding’s proposal that America
should adhere to the world court. He
came to feel that Harding was#as re
gards the Issue closest to Moses’
heart, not wholly "safe,” Moses want
ed In the White House an "irreconcil
able" who should be as dependable In
his irreconcilability as Moses him
self. And so, as we all felt in Wash
ington, Moses was among the prin
cipal ones of those who clung closest
to Johnson's reluctant hand and tried
hardest to persuade Johnson to raise
that hand to the hat of his presiden
tial ambitions and throw it Into the
ring. In addition to the motive of
fellowship in irreconcilability. Moses
also felt that Johnson, if he were
the republican candidate, could stir
up a hotter fight, make more com
motion, give more "pep" to the cam
palgn, and ultimately get more votes
than Harding could.
Moses for Coolldge.
Then Harding died and there stepped
into the White House a man from
tho state that adjoins Moses own
New Hampshire, a New Englander
commanding the strong territorial
loyalty of all the New England states,
including Moses’ own. Within a few
days Moses called at the White House
and on leaving It announced he was
going back to New Hampshire to
line the state up for Coolldge in 1924.
At the time this happened there was
a good deal of gossip In Washington,
much of It humorous about the emo
tions that arose in Hiram Johnson's
breast when he saw this public an
nouncement of Moses’ loyalty to a
new king. Johnson is a man who
has rather simple idea* about this
tort of thing.
Subsequently, to make the horror
deeper, Senator Moses went to John
son’s own state of California In the
course of some work on a senatorial
committee and, while In Johnson's
own front yard, so to speak, gav* out
a public interview in which h* was
quoted as saying some things which
to Senator Johnson must have seemed
pretty terrible. Senator Mosea re
marks Included the following:
’’Hiram W. Johnson, United State*
senator from California, regarded in
Washington as a regular republican,
should not In the interest of republi
can sol darlty Inject himself into the
1924 national campaign as a contender
for support that should be accorded
President Coolldge. 'Principles, not
personal ambitions, should take pre
cedence.
"Senator Johnson is playing be
tween his conservative brethren and
his radical brethren, it Is a deeper
ate game of political tWti'-rope walk
ing, but there Is nothing particular!}
reprehensible about It and Senatoi
Johnson does want to be presl
dent. , . .
"In these days of party dlslntegrn
tlon there should be more agreement
on party principles and less heckling
from the sidelines hy those who In
flate the Importance of a few Issues
to gain an audience for political pref
errnent."
And so Senator Johnson was com
pelled to add to the already compre
hensive knowledge of the lntrlcac.es
of human nature he has acquired in
a long and tumultuous political
career the fact that apparently the
possession of a common love for New
England Is a closer bond than the
possession of a common hate for the
world court.
One feels that It would be Interest
ing to be a spectator—at a safe dls
tance—on the next occasion when
Moses and Johnson com* face to
face.
I.a*ker Now Free Agent.
This defection of Senator Moser,
however, was but a minor one of the
changes wrought by the emergence of
Coolidge Into the political map as It
affects Johnson.. Most of the other
changes pointed In the direction of
Increased encouragement to Johnson
and renewed appeals to the spirit of
hla ambition.
Chief among the changes tending to
urgo Johnson on la th* fact that
Albert Lasker Is now free to haek
him. Lasker Is very rich. Is stiperen
ergetlc, has a strong and entirely ad
mlrable ambition to have a hand In
public affairs, has a superb knowl
edge of publicity gained In 20 years
as the owner and head of the largest
advertising agency In the world, his
powerful associates who nr* under
obligations to him and In all respects
ha* the equipment to he a most
formidable person as the backer of a
presidential aspirant.
If Johnson runs Lasker will he he
hind him, heart, aoul. purse and pet
son. And you need only recall the
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furious and effective energy I-asker
threw Into the reorganization of the
government shipping business, the al
most daily Reries of "stunts” with
which he brought the Leviathan and
the other government ships to .the at
tention of the public, to get a hint of
how the air will hum If Johnson
should announce himself and so soon
as Lasker gets under way to make
him president.
It Is In Lasker's own state of Illi
nois th^t there exists one of the con
ditions which impel not only Lasker
hut many more seasoned republican
politicians to bring pressure on John
son to run. In Illinois the republican
party is in the midst of one of the
most savage feudal fights in Ameri
can political bistory. The details arc
too complex to be reproduced here
and too local to be understood by
the general public throughout the
country. It Is sufficient to say that
the two factions are In a fight to the
death—one of those fights in which
tens of thousands of the voters in
both factions come to the point where
they w’ould take far greater satisfac
tion In seeing n democrat win than
in letting any one in the other fac
tion win.
It is the sort of fight that arose
between the Taft and Roosevelt fol
lowers In 1912 and It threatens to
end In the samo sort of schism, disas
trous to the republican party. The
ways in which this Illinois fight af
fects Johnson ar# two: In the first
place, one or the other of the fac
tions is bound to have a candidate
■for the presidency other than Coolidge,
If one faction gets behind Coolidge
the other faction will get behind some
body else, and it appears to be a fact
that some of the leaders of both fac
tions are eager to be first in con
scripting Johnson on their side. In
the second place, this factional fight
is so bitter as to make It uncertain
whether the republicans can carry
the state for the governorship next
year, and it is to add to the chances
of the republicans carrying tlie state
that some of the leaders would like
to see Johnson as the presidential
nominee, on the theory that in this
particular state at least, where the
anti-league of nations sentiment is
especially strong. Johnson as the
head of the ticket might win more
voteB for the party than Coolidge.
•(Incidentally. It is this same com
plexity of the Illinois republican situa
tion that creates a strong urge on ex
Oov?rnor Lowden of that state to
throw his hat also into the ring—
but this is a different story.)
Popular in Other States.
In the allusion In the last few Fen
fences will be found the determining
factor as to whether Johnson shall or
shall not be the next republican nom
inee. That allusion about Illinois re
publican leaders who think Johnson
could stir up more Interest and get
more vote* than Coolidge ajtplies not
only to Illinois but also, to -ft less de
pree, to some other state* and to some
of the national republican leader gen
erally. On just how deep this feeling
is at the time the convention meet* In
June will depend the answer whether
the leaders will name Coolidge or
Johnson. If they th.nk they can win
with Coolidge they will give him the
nomination most assuredly. Hut if on
the day of the convention they are in
doubt whether Coolidge can win, and
if they also think at that time that
Johnkon might be able to gpt more
votes than Coolldge, they will tend to
'name Johnson.
Johnson's friends callm that
throughout the entire electorate of
the United States he has a persona!
following of from 1,000,000 to 2,000.000
votes, which votes are normally Inde
pendent, normally as likely to go dem
ocratic as to go republican, but in
fallibly to be depended upon to go re
publican if Johnson is the candidate
of that party. This estimate of 1,000,
000 to 2,000,000 personal followers
i comes from Johnson s friends. i
more detached republ.can leaders who
! look at It In cold blood do nor r. .
cede that Johnson's personal follow
ing is as large as this. But, even
so, they might concede to Johnson a
personal following of 600.000 voter ,
and might judge that margin to be a
sufficient justification for makli :
Johnson the nominee.
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single kaspaonfnl of
/ KL. CALDWELL’S
} SYiyP P£P5EN
"Will restart good humor
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It may be difficult to decide just which medi
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21
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Purchase a bottle of Syrup Pep in at a drug
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