Seite 7-TögIiche Bmalja Tribune-SmnZtckg, Scn 2. August 1919.
EMewFederal
Every $tudent of th qucstlon
recognizea the need for a budget
System in our National Govern
ment, writes J. P. Chamberlain
in the New York Times. Both
political partiea have gone on
record as favorbf a budget,
many political leaders have de
clarcd themselves in favor of it.
nnd nonQ has so far .ventured
epeuly to oppose it.
Business- organizations every
where raise their voices against
the costly Inefficiency involved
in the present System of provid
ing för ths financial needs of the
Government, and since the in
come taxes have begun to press
very hrd on Jndividuals and
busines$ jnstittitions, the pry for
economy js becoming louder. It
is, however, one thing to want
a budget 'system and quite an
other to determine the ways and
uieans by which the system' shall
be put into efiect, and exactly
what the system shall do.
A Complex Problem.
Both executive and legislative
branches of the Government are
concemed in a budget lavv. The
executive understands" its own
needs; it alone has the informa
tion npon which the estimates
for expenditures -can be intelli
gently based and it knows the
resujt of the existing tax laws;
it can best estimate the probable
effects of a change: The prepa
ration of the estimates of rev
enues and expenditures, which is
the Capital point of the budget,
must, therefore, be a duty of the
executive branch of the Govern
rtfent. The legislative branch,
however, votes the appropria
tions; the budget must be pre
sented to the Legislature in such
shape, that it can use the infor
mation to the best advantage in
preparing and acting upon the
Appropriation bills introduced.
In Great Britain there is no
searching examinatfon of the
budget made in the Legislature.
The budget is introduced by the
Government of the day, which is
in effect a committee of the
majority of the House of Com
inonz. The Ilouse is bound to
pass the budget presented to it,
as the majority members were
elected to support the decisions
of this committee of their leaders.
In the Ilouse of Com'mons,
therefore, the debate on the bud
get is limited to a debate on
questjons of policy, in which the
Opposition may attack the policy
of the Administration, not the
sing! items in its budget.
Contrast to British System.
Wholly diilerent is the Situa
tion in the United States. There
ij ng ink between the Legisla
ture and the Executive corrc
sponding to that suppüed by the
sHrtish Ministry. Frequently,
even th President represents a
f different cartv than that of the
majority in either house. He
may differ in policy in regard to
expansion of the activities of the
Government, an increase in the
army or navy, or appropriations
of Zarge eums for various social
improvement projects. There is,
furthermore, in Congress itself
not that Ktrict party control f
the members in all matters which
prevails in Parliamcnt.
Consequently, the Britjsh Sys
tem of budgetary legislation is
not practical in the United
States.
The Present American System,
It must be remernbered that
Congress must have from the
Executive Information which it
can use for the preparation of
the annua! revenue and appr
priation bills. In the United
States, estimates for expendi
tures ars made up in each divi
sion and bureau of the ten great
departments. These are for
warded to the department Secre
tary, who, alter consultation
with the bureau chiefs, decides
which bureaus should have in
creases and what changes in the
financial Status of the bureaus
should be made. This is neces
sary in order that the interests
of the department as a whole and
not any sirrgle bureau may pre
riominate in the estimates.
The estimates are made up
end forwarded on or besorg the
I5th of October of each year to
the Secretary of the Treasury.
This official bind them together
and forwards them to Congress
-on its assembling in December.
The President, the responsible
head ol the Administration, is
t.ot responsible for the estimates,
as there is no attempt at cc
ordination of the needs of the
various departments in th in
terest es the governmental or
ganization as a whole. No at
tempt is made by any responsible
osiicir of the Government - to
brini' the estirr&tes for expendi
BudgetPlan.
ture within the estimated rev
enue of the Government, so that
the "outgo" will not excetd the
income.
The Secretary of the Treasury
separately sends to Congress a
revenue report comparing the
estimates, for the coming year,
and a Statement of the actual in
come of th Government during
ine last fiscal year, Congress
must reeeive the estim'ates in a
prescribed form, so that they can
be dividcd and sent to th differ
ent . committee which are to
draft the appropriation bills.
Thus, each committee recelyes
a Statement which can be com
pared vith the estimate and the
acjmaj appropriation of ' preced
ing years, so that it will know
what increases are asked for
specific heads of 1 expenditure.
Each committee then proceeds to
consider each head of expendi
ture. It calls before it the osfl
cers who are asking increases in
appropriations and questions
them closely. The result is
that increases are frequently
cut. But bureau chiefs, know
mg this in advance, ctistom
arily ask for much mors than
they actually need, hoping that
the anticipated reduction by the
committee will still leave them
with the increase they deerned
necessary,
Each appropriation committee
introduces its bills separately
and the bills proceed through
both houses of Congress without
being brought under the juris
diction of one committee' for co
ordination. Of course, the rev
enue emmittees are informed s
to the probable total of the ex
penditures; but they have nd
right to protest against extrav
agant expenditures, because of
the difficulty of raising new
revenue.
Evidently, changes should be
made in this system, both in the
Administration and in the legis
lative handling of the aecounts
of the nation. TJicre should be
in the Administration the power
to bring together all estimates
and to compare them with rev
enue. The administration bears
before the country the respohsi
bility for the total of the expendi-,
ture and revenue, which means
the responsibjUty for any new
taxes lai'd to meet new outlays.
Suppose, for instance, that
both Army and Navy Depart
ments request large increases,
while at the same time the In
terior Department asks for a
great sum' of money to provide
farms for soldiers. The Admin
istration should decide in each
case not only whether the end
sought is desirable, but, if the
national income is not sufsicient
'to provide for all, which depart
ments should reeeive the m
crease. Furthermore, if the Ad
ministration believes that, de
spite a deficit in income, all three
increases are necessary. to the
public interest, it should be pre
pared to assume the responsibil
ity for new taxes or a new bond
bill to provide them,
No Light Task.
Responsibility for estimating
expenses of Government is not a
light task, and it should not be
imposed upon the Administration
without due consideration. Bu
reau chiefs will always be ex
cessive in their demands, and the
Administration, without an in
dependent force of its own to
check up these demands, is help
less before them. Any budget
bill, therefore, must provide the
Administration with a suffiejent
force of experts to investigat
the reasons for increases in esti
mates and to investigat the use
of money in the past.
Needless to say, this force,
acting frorar year to year to se
eure economy, will be the great
est factor for improvement in
Administration methods which
will be devised. If the Adminis
tration must assume responsi
bility for estimating before Con
gress and before the country, its
object always will be to make
these estim'ates as low as pos
siblc. In our System of government
there is but one ossicer upon
whom this responsibility can be
put, and that ofiicer is the Presi
dent. He is the head of the
Administration and in him is
vested the decision in respect to
its policy. He also is more and
more recognized as the chief of
bis party, so that a financial
policy decided upon by him will
be the result of consultation with
party leaders in Congress as well
as earnest consideration with
Cadinet Acers, both in their
capacity as heads of the great
departments and in their capacity
as ad visers .
.The part of Gyijresi in fiuaa-
cisl legislation must not be
underestinvated, It is Congress
that fram.es the revenue bills and
Easse the revenue actsz it is
ongress that; decides upon the
financial policy of the country,
both'as to expenditures and as
to revqnue, The administrative
budget must be presented to
Congress in such form that it can
act upon the estimates therein
contained and in such form that
the requests for expenditure and
suggestions for revenue of the
President can be compared with
the final grants and taxes author
ized by Congress.
Thq Bill Before Congress.
The Good bill to establish a
budget, now before Congress,
takes cognieanse of the actual
facts. Until Congress is ready
to change ts rules and tq organ
jze so that it can make use of a
ecientific budget, it must recejve
the estimates so arranged as to
respond to its needs.
The Presidential responsibility
for the estimates, theuigh not o
easy under the present compli
cated scheme as under a simple
and uniform plan, can be estab
lished for the items of expendi
ture requested. In addition, re
sponsibility can be placed upon
the President for balancing ex?
penditure and revenue and for
Guggesting new taxes to cover
a desicit in revenue. "This re
tponsibility is placed upon him
in the Good bill. To carry put
this duty effectively, a force is
given him to make investigations
in the administrative organiza
tion. If these investigations
should disclose waste and ineffi
ciency, requests for departmental
increases could be cut to meet
actual needs. Committees of
Congress need no longer waste
so much time in quizzing bureau
chiefs as to why they want four
stenographers at $1,500, and
whether three at $900 or one at
$1,200 and one at $900 would be
sufsicient. More time could then
be given to the important items
of expenditure and to the general
policy of the committee. -
Recognizing that the present
method of subnvitting estimates
is unsatisfactory, Mr. Good has
provided for an experimental
budget to be prepared by the
President, with the aid of his
technical force, and submitted to
Congress at the next Session, in
December. This budget will not
be constructed from a theoretica
standpoint, but will be made up
by the men who have been going
over the estimates and have been
examining into the Organisation
of the various departments in
Washington.
With this budget before it,
Congress can easiiy ascertain
what changes in its rules and
organization will be necessary if
it is to , accept the budget pro
posed as its working Statement
of the revenue and expenditure
needs of the Government. If it
is ready to make the changes it
can easiiy establish thy scientific
f!
inprovoken
From The N
Everyone is still swallowing
hard on the proposed rrench
alliance, When first rumor ed, it
was flatly denied; the rumor hav
ing been conhrmed, Am'encans
with practically no exceptions
tried to sorget about it A
iroiect which should have ex
cited great discussion has been
discussed hardly at all for the
obvious reason that it put every
body in an awkward .dilemma;
nobody much wants the alliance
and few wish to say no to
France, or know how to say it.
Mr. Wuson s own reluctancr
is written all over it, and it must
be admitted at the outset that jif
words can make an alliance in-
noeuous the words of this alli
ance have been carefully chosen.
Under it we are bound to go to
war in two eventualities. First,
if Germany violates any provi
iion of the Treaty 6f Versailles
concerning tbe demilitarization
of her western border-land;
second, if she commits "any act
of unprovoked aggression direc
ted against" France. Even these
obligations can be annulled by a
majority of the League's Coun
cil. If accepted by a majority
of the Council, they can bc abro
gated later, if the United States
for examplc should request it,
by a majority of the Council.
This new Triple Alliance is in
itself a majority f ' the Five
Powers who are the real masters
of the League. No member of
the League not on the Council
has any voice whatever in re
gard to this alliance. By what
right do we make a treaty which
says how the League mav com
fort jtself in the fate of it? This
treaty, Instead of ' subordinatinjr
budget as the sole budget to be
presented.
The advantages of this proced
ure are manifest. Congress could
not at the present time jntelli
gently reorganize its. committees
and change its rules to aecom
modate its organization to a
Statement of expenditures and
revenues whose form it does not
know. Without careful examin
ation of the subject Congress
probably would be unwilling to
adopt a budget bill which would
set out the form of a scientific
budget in sufsicient detaü'to en.
able Congress to adjust its or
ganization to the new requhe
ments. No delay is involved in accept
ing -Mr. Good's proposal, and
there is the great advantage that
the preparation of a plan for
Submission to Congress will be
made by men having a duty to
perform which opens to them the
departments. of the Government.
The interest of Congress. in the
expenses of ths Government is
not limited to their passage of
the approprafion bills. As guar
diacs of the public purse mem
bers of Congress are interested
in knowing that the sums appro
priated are applied to the pur
poses for which they are
expressly appropriated and thqt
they are not wastefully or
extravagantly used- It is extra
ordinary that up to the present
time no organ of Government
has been created which rnakez it
possible for Congress to carry
out this duty. The audit and
control of Government funds is
vested in the Controller of the
Treasury and six, auditors, also
connected with the lreasury De
partment, and, therefore, con
nected with and responsible to
the executive and not to the
legislative branch of the Govern
ment. Office of Controller General.
Mr. Good's bill changes this
undesirable Situation in the sim
plest way possible, by freating
the Office of Controller General
cf the United States and by vest
ing in him all the powers of audit
and control of the expenditure
of the appropriations voted by
Congress. He is appointed by
the President, by and with the
advicc and consent of the Senate;
but hs is made entirely inde
pendent of the. Executive, be
cause he can onlv be removed
at the request of Congress. He
is further tied nn to Consrrcss bv
his duty to report directly to that
üody and to its committees.
Members of his staff may be
detailed to sit with committees
wlienever they desire Information
on the aecounts and exnenditures
of the. Government.
A committee of Coneress to
function with the Controller
General is also provided for, so
that Congrass will have not
merely a general and indefinite
but a direct means of communi-
cation with the important audit
ing department.
ew Republic.
itself to the League makes its
own terms superior to those of
the Covenant. If France, Britain
and America can say: "Our
alliance is not subject to revision
by the League except on terms
desined in our alliance," what is
there to prevent Japan or Italy
from doing the same? Why
should n't they form alliances
with anybody they please, and
write into them a clause saying:
"These alliances are in conform
ity with the Covenant so long
as two members of the League
aprove of them. We are those
two members and we approve.
There the League's competence
is at an end." This alliance vio
lates the Covenant in a most fun
damental way. It is as if New
York, New Jersey and Pennsyl
vania made special laws for each
cther's benesit, and then said
that the constitutionality could
not be revived except by a trib
unal in which those three states
were a Strategie majority.
Lct tts exanvine this treaty by
itself. It violates the Covenant;
it violates Mr. Wilson's prom-
ises. All right ,what if it does ?
There may be more important
things in the world than docu
ments and speeches. What are
they? The eafety of France.
That is more important perhaps
than the Covenant and certainly
more important than Mr. Wil-
son's reputation.. The safety of
rrance from a repitition of the
horror he has just suffered is a
major interest of civilization,
The question i whether this
treaty provide; greater sectirity
for France.
Before that question can be
answered it is necessary to
Aggression.
abandon the false picture of
France which exists in America
today. The French people are
ternbly hit by the war. They
have suffered enormously, and
their dread of another invasion
js a fact. But there is another
"France," the France of the
bureaucrats and the' political
generals which moves and has
itsi being behind the thickest
censorship in the world. It is
all nonsense to say that the
people of Francs, the French
nation, and ths present French
government are one and the
same thing. The French nation
knows what the censorship
wants it to know and lets it
know. French opinion is not in
contact with the facts. It is in
contact with a governmental
press, and it is manipulated by
that press.
The method of Manipulation
is this; the real dread of the
nation is sgitated and prolonged
by suppressing news which con
firms the utter collapse of the
Gernvan, power and by emphasiz
ing and inventing jncidents
which suggest that Germany
may at any moment repeat the
Aggression of 1914. Every thing
that the government wishes to
do is then explaned as prudence,
or simply not mentioned at all.
The whole elaborate man
oeuvre has two motives a pub
lic motive, which is to build a
barrier against Germany and
Bolshevism ; , an official motive
which is to make French diplo
maey supreme in Europe. It is
this second motive which is the
real one, bacause the French
Staff know perfectly well that
Germany is prostrate and dis
armed, that only extreme provo
cation and continual humiliation
can cause national resistance.
Of aggressjon there is no ques
tion. The utter rnin, of the Ger
man steel industry and of Ger
man sea power make another
1914 beyond the realm' of possi
bility. The Germans cannot
overrun France with wooden
sticks and razors.
The purpose of this treaty is
not to protect France against a
Gerraan invasion. The French
government is not so unrealistic
as all that. French diplomacy
is seasoned, ad it is not as sen
timental as it may lookl The
French are not asking Mr. Wjl
son to sign this alliance to pro
tect them against Germany.
They kqow perfectly well that
the League is every bit as good
protection as this treaty. What
ever their other skepücism they
know that America would resist
"unprovoked aggression" under
the Covenant lust as readily as
under the treaty, and with their
control of th press they could
just as easiiy as not make this
plain to the French people,
The object of their treaty is
to create a clique within a clique,
a governing body within the
Council, which is itself a govern
ing body within the League. The
object is to create a Franco-British-Amrican
bloc for diplo
matic purposes. For the Quai
d'Orsay knows, though Mr. Wil
son may not, that the words of
an alliance mean nothinp, that
the fact of the alliance is all im
portant. With such a treaty
signed the Quai d'Orsay believes
that it can pocket American in
fluence in the League. leaving
Britain supreme overseas and
France supreme in Europe.
French diplomacy knows that
such a Combination is diplom'ati
cally invincible.
It knows something more. It
knows how utterly incompetent
and inexperienced American
diplomacy in Europe is, how
easiiy it is hoodwinked, how bad
its sources of Information, how
Ignorant pf history, how tender
minded. Once America is
"grouped" as the diplomats say,
r the Quai d'Orsay will speak in
Europe for the group. that is
the purpose of the Quai d'Orsay.
But there is another aspect to
the matter. The United States
is bound to go to war if Ger
many makes any military move
west of a line fifty kilometers
east of the Rhine. Now it is an
avowed object of General Man
gin, the French Commander on
Eingesolzene Gemüse.
In dieser Zeit der bcslinögNcken
häuslichen Erhzlhin!? von Natur
Produkten ist hinsichtlich der Gemü
sepflanzcn der Nat gegeben worden:
Was man nicht in Büchsen einma
chen kann, daZ dörre man, und was
man nicht dörren sann, daZ salze
man ein.-
Damit ist kein Tauerkraut oder
ähnliches gemeint, sondern daZ Ein
maäzen mit trockenem' Salz und
ohne Gähnmg. Bohnen, Erbsen.
Rüben, Spinat usw. lassen sich leicht
so behandeln und sind schon in cic
len amerikanischen Hauhatt!inzcn
sg behandelt worden.
'Äan richtet daZ Gemüse' wie zum
the Rhine, to separate the lest
bank of the Rhine from' the body
of the Gcrman Republic. There is
no doubt, whatever that this is
one of. the principal objectives
of French official policy. Under
Article XLHI of the Treaty . of
Versailles and under this pro,
posed alliance, Germany is for?
bidden to put down insurrectiorj
in the Rhineland. There is
nothing whatever in either of the
treaties to prevent France front
using coercion, bribery or In
trigue to create a seceding gov
ernment on the model of that
recently attempted by Dr. Dqr
ten. The use of military force
by Germany to put down re
bellion, no matter how engi
neered, is forbidden. It would
not come under the head of "pro
voked aggression," fer the de
militarization of this area is ab
solute. The ''unprovoked ag
gression" clause, whatever it
may mean, does not operate
within lifty kilometers of the
Rhine.
It is no answer to say that
Congress would Interpret v)Ujr
obligations under ths treaty.
France will have her int er
pretation, and if we fail to act
as she will expect us to act, once
this treaty is signed, we shall
appear to the French people as a
faithless nation. America can
not afford to make indeünita
promises, to involve itself in this
sea of Intrigue. For the whole
project has nothing to do with
the defence of France against
invasion or with the assumption
of our share of the bürden in
maintaining the peace of the
world, This treaty is in. every
respect the typical war-breeding
alliance which has cursed
Europe for centuries it is on
its face and in all its ramified
meanings exactly the kipd of
entanglements against which
every American statesman from
Washington to Wilson has
repeatedly warned us. It repeats
every folly that ever cursed
diplomacy from the grouping of
hostile alliances to the dismem
berment of nations,
It is the old diplomacy bursting
through the shell of the League.
Whatever promise" there may be
in the League this plan defeats,
There is nothing here but pain
and misery for the French na
tion, France has les.3 than forty
million people and hhe , cannot
hope for, she must not- seek,,
mastery . of the contment. 1 he
sälvation of France lies in an
orderly Europe of demoeratie
nations acting openly and to
gether. France can be safe only
if she is Content with equality of
Prestige and influenee. Her
present diplomacy is a mad ad
venttire which will hurt no one
so much as the French nation
itself.
In so far as this treaty is part
of the adventure it should be re
jected. It has no real connection
with the defense of France. It
violates th Covenant. It vio
lates America's "authoritative"
Statements. It will inflame jeal
ousy. It will encourage counter
alliances. It will create parties
within the League. It will dis
courage moderate administration
of the treaty, and encourage the
involved diplomatic intrigue of
eastern Europe .
It is on the face of it absurd.
To make a military alliance with
the strongest military power in
Europe against the only power
which is disarmed has no mili
tary meaning whatever. If we
want to protect some nation in a
special way, why in Heaven's
name do we not offer the alliance
to Belgium' That would pro
tect France just as well ,and
could not be made into a diplo
matic Combination. An alliance
with Belgium, assuming that we
have no faith in the League,
would symbolize the meaning of
the war, would have no serious
diplomatic consequences, and
would bar the only feasible road
into France.
We suggest that this alterna
tive will test the sincerity of the
plan. Lct the Senators who are
in dotibt about this alliance pro
pose instead a guarantee to Bei
gium, and Fee what reaction
there is.
Kochen her und wäscht eZ sorzsältig.
Dann sterilisiert man einen Eimer
oder sonstigen groben Behälter. In
diesen packt man z. 23. eine Lage
Bohnen, etwa einen Zoll dick; über
diese streut man eine Lage Salz,
etwa :n Viertelpfund Salz auf ein
Pfund Bohnen. So füllt man wei
ter, bis der Behälter beinahe voll ist.
Tann legt man ein steriles (bakte
nenfreies) Stück Zeug obendrauf,
und dann kommt eine Bedeckung, die
beschwert wird. Nach 21 Stunden
entfernt man letztere, gicsit geschmol
zenes Paraffln auf und läht die
Masse stehen, indes man vor dem
Gebrauch die Gemüse zu salzig, sg
weicht man sie ein.
UlaMlziexte Anzeigen!
Verlangt Wrililich.
Ein gutes Dienstmädchen mittle
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deutsch sprechen können. Herinan
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Tüchtige strau zum Waschen vhcn
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