Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (July 1, 1916)
The Commoner VOL. 16, NO. 7 Lincoln, Nebraska, July, 1916 Whole Number 687 Another Railroad Plot The railroads are planning another raid on the country, and their plans are being delib erately laid. The republican national platform has a brief plank which reads as follows: "The entire transportation system of the country has become essentially national. We, therefore, favor such action by legislation or, if necessary, through an amendment to the con stitution of the United States, as will result in placing it under exclusive federal control." There is the bold demand that the states shall be deprived of all power to regulate, and that congress shall have exclusive control of the railroads of the nation within the state as well aa interstate. This is what the railroads have been working for for yearsfrbut-jthey .have never before been brave enough? to put theirlMemandsin a party,,; platform. T, he',, republican party, under its re actionary leadership, now dares to champion this proposition which contemplates the re moval of all railroad questions from the state legislatures to the national capital. This .will mean that each candidate for congress will havo to get the support of the railroads or feel their opposition. It will largely increase railroad activity in national politics. It so happens (?) that the republican candi date for president fits into this scheme. He vetoed the two cent fare bill passed by a New York legislature while ho was governor, and he wrote the supreme court opinion in the "Minne sota rate case' On another page will be found a Washington dispatch, published in the New York Tribune, referring to this case. One paragraph from that opinion will be sufficient to show the attitude of ex-Justice Hughes. He says: "The argument that if the state rates are rea sonable in and of themselves they can not be objected to, and therefore the whole inquiry is as to their reasonableness, is fallacious. The court determines only whether rates are confis catory and can not entertain the broader ques tion of their reasonableness; nor can this be de termined by any mathematical formula. Public policy of the nation may be to permit carriers a large return. Public policy of a state may be to permit but a small one. In such a conflict national authority controls." Because the nation may want to allow HIGH ER STATE RATES than the state, the repub licans think the states should not be allowed to determine these questions. Take the rate-making out of the hands of legislators near home and put it in the hands of legislators far from home that is the first step; then will follow the transfer of all railroad cases from state courts to federal courts each move intended to give more freedom to the railroads and to make it more difficult for the people to protect themselves from extortion and injustice. This is the republican program. Against this the democrats put the safer and more rea sonable doctrine that "national remedies shall be ADDED TO, NOT SUBSTITUTED FOR, stato remedies." The position of the democratic party as to , control of railroad rates was well stated "the democratic national platform of 1908. It la as follows: "Wo assert the right of congress to exercise complete control over, interstate commerco and the right of each state to exercise llko control over commerco within its borders." When both state and federal govern ment do their best the people will havo no more protection than they need what will bo their fate when they must await the action of curi gress and the federal court? The republican plan is the more dangerous because it apparently has th unqualified sup port of Colonel Roosevelt, but will the real pro gressives jdin in this plot against the people? W. J. BRYAN. ' 4& $'riXi J ,. ". . j , r - The contest of 1916 ; .. .. w -jjv .rHBfOUTLOIVrk Is on, and for four months the parties will be busy circulating lit erature and appealing to voters Our party has no walk away; it will not bo an overwhelming victory, as in 1912, but the prospects are im proving. The democratic record of achievement is impregnable. The republican candidate has not strengthened himself since his resignation he has lost ground. It remains to bo seen whether ho can regain it in tho speeches he plans to make. "Peace, prosperity and progress" are hard to attack. The President is growing. IS HUGHES ANOTHER TAFT? In estimating the value of Mr. Roosevelt's endorsement of Mr. Hughes, it must be remem bered that he endorsed Mr. Taft. Does he feel as sure about Mr. Hughes as he did about Mr. Taft? And will he be as brutally frank in ac kowledging his mistake, if Mr. Hughes disap points him as much as Mr. Taft did? The fu ture has great political possibilities if we can Judge it by the past. 3l CONTENTS ANOTHER RADLROAD PLOT THE NEW REVENUE MEASURE AMERICAN INTERESTS IN MEXICO THE LOGIC OF CONQUEST NOW FOR GOOD ROADS CITIZENSHIP IN A REPUBLIC PRESIDENT WDLSON SAYS PEOPLE WANT PEACE ECHOES OF THE ST. LOUIS CONVEN TION THE STATUS QF MEXICAN AFFAIRS THE INEXORABLENESS OF MORAL LAW ; SENATOR OLLIE JAMES' SPEECH SPEECH OF JUDGE WESTCOTT The New Revenue Measure The now revenue measure illustrates in a very emphatic way tho difference between tho two parties. The democratic party, having decided that moro revenue is necessary, seeks to secure it by laying tho burden on incomes, inheritance and munition manufacturers, tho latter tho spe cial beneficiaries of tho present war. Tho re publicans would put tho burden on consump tion, a method of taxation which ovorburdons tho masses. Tho exemption of $3,00-0 provided In tho pres ent law ($4,000 for married persons) is not low ered, but the basic tax of ono per cent is raised to two, and the sur-tax is increased from a max imum of six per cent to ten. While these rates arc only intended to pro yideifor,, an eraerJgpncy, they point the way 'to1 " a source which' will always be available in time of need. Tii0rMnH'orifancel.ta'x la resorted to for the first time, but it is so equitable that it will at ones be accepted by tho country and becomo a per manent part of our financial system. Tho ex emption of estates under $50,000, confines the tax to those who can easily afford to pay it, and tho rate, beginning at one per cent, rises so gradually that it amounts to only 5 per cent on estates above $450,000. The objection advanced by somo that inherit ances should be loft for stato taxation, has no weight. It Is not double taxation for both na tion and stato to tax tho same inheritance, be cause they tax for different purposes. The same piece of land is taxed by tho city, the county and tho stato, and no ono calls it treble taxation; why should it be called double taxation for the state and federal government to tax the same inheritance? And besides, tho large estates are usually derived from corporations engaged In interstate commerco. Tho munitions tax Is em inently just, whether it is regarded a tax upon an industry especially benefited by tho war ov as a rebuke to those who, for their own pecun iary benefit, havo tried to frighten this country into an expensive program of preparedness. The tariff laid on dyestuffs is a protective tariff which, in the opinion of the President, Is justified by the fact that the war has cut off importations and American chemists have been urged to experiment with a view to supplying the manufacturers of this country with a neces sary material. The tariff commission pleases a- certain ele ment and does no harm. Its tendency is to postpone a change in rates, and that Is at pres ent desirable. W. J. BRYAN. . Talk to any man who belongs to the favor seeking, privilege-enjoying classes and he will explain to you the importance of returning .the republican party to power. 'a "