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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 1, 1916)
(FjpJraTRSSP5 The Commoner Cam VOL 16, NO. 8 Lincoln, Nebraska, August, 1916 Whole Number 688 The Mother Argument The strongest argument in favor of woman suffrage is the mother argument. I love my children as much, I think, aB a father can; but I am not in the same class with my wife. I do not put any father in the same class with the mother in love for the child. If you would know why the mother's love for a child is the sweetest, tenderest, most lasting thing in the world, you will find the explanation in the Bible: "Where your treasures are there will your heart be also." The child is the treasure of the mother; she in vests her life in her child. When the mother of the Gracci was asked: "Where are your jewels?" she pointed to her sons. The mother's life trembles in the balance at the child's birth, and for years it is the object of her constant care. She expends&upon it her nervous force and energy; she endows it with -the - wealth of her love. She dreams of what it is to do and r bo and, O, if a mother's dreams only came true, what a different world this world would be. The most pathetic struggle that this earth knows is not the struggle between armed men upon the battlefield; it is the struggle of a mother to save her child when wicked men set traps for it and lay snares for it. And as long as the ballot is given to those who conspire to rob the home of. a child it is not fair no one can believe it fair to tie a mother's hands while she is trying to protect her home and save her child. If there is such a thing as justice, surely a mother; has a just claim to a voice in shaping the environment that may determine whether her child will realize her hopes or bring her gray hairs in sorrow to the grave. Because God has planted in every human heart a sense of justice, and because the mother gument makes an irresistible appeal to this uni versal sense, it will finally batter down all op position and open woman's pathway to the polls. W. J. BRYAN. 0 DRYS WIN IN TEXAS A Houston, Tex., dispatch, dated Aug. 7, says: The proposition to submit a constitutional amendment for state wide prohibition received a favorable majority of 1,784 votes in the July 22 Texas primary, according to the complete and official canvass of a sub-committee of the state democratic executive committee here today. The total was: for 173,069; against, 171,285. the parties insures fairness. The commission on investigation provided for in the treaties is composed of five members, one appointed by each nation from among its own citizens, one appointed by each nation from a friendly nation and the fifth is agreed upon by the contracting parties. : In applying this plan,vttow'the present labor dispute,veaclLside could-appoint one member from among its own, ranks, and j.pne member from the outside. The fifth member could be agreed upon by" the parties or be selected by the Pres ident. Pleading as justification for this suggestion my deep interest in the industrial situation and my earnest desire for an amicable settlement which will be just to all concerned, I am, Very truly yours, W... J. BRYAN. MINISTER SULLIVAN Instead of dealing with the entire diplomatic service, Mr. Hughes seizes upon one minor ap pointment, that of Mr. Sullivan to Santo Domin go, and makes it the basis of a sweeping attack against the entire service. If he will take the trouble to examine the recommendations, he will find that Mr. Sullivan's qualifications were cer tified to. by the dean of the Yale law school. But Mr. Hughes has no trouble in overlooking a little matter like that when he wants to divert attention from the railroad question. A SUGGESTION BY MR. BRYAN Mr. Bryan sent the following telegram sug gesting the peace treaty plan for the settlement of the differences between the railroads and their employes in the present crisis: August 14, 1916. Messrs. Garretspn, Stone, Carter and Lee, , Railroad Brotherhood, New York. If it is found impossible to agree upon ar bitration, I venture to suggest for your consid eration the' plan embodied in the new peace treaties between this nation and thirty other itions representing three-fourths of the popu- turn of the world. These treaties provide for investigation of all disputes Wore resorting to war, but reserve the right of independent action at the conclusion, of the investigation. The fact that the commission's report- is -not binding on CONTENTS THE MOTHER ARGUMENT "DESERVING DEMOCRATS" HUGHES'S SPEECHES LEAVING IT TO THE EXPERTS THE .THIRTY PEACE TREATIES THE CHRISTIAN COLLEGE HUGHES WOULD HAVE RECOGNIZED HUERTA POPULAR ELECTION OF SENATORS THE INCOME TAX AMENDMENT IOWA DEMOCRACY'S VICTORY A FINE LEGISLATIVE RECORD DIGEST OF RURAL CREDITS ACT HUGHES'S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH WHAT WAR IS "Deserving Democrats" i "Now that you have arrived and are acquaint ing yourself with the situation, can you lot me know what positions you have at your disposal with which to reward deserving democrats? I do not know to what extent the knowledge of the Spanish language is necessary for omployea. Let mo know what is requisite, together with the salary, and when appointments are likely to be made." The above is the letter which I wrote to Mr. Vick, the receiver of customs at San Domingo. Read it carefully. Scan each sentence, examine each word, each syllable. Mr. Hughes, once governor of New York, afterwards justlco of the supremo court, arid now republican candidate for President, thinks It Important enough to quote in his campaign speeches. Ho is so in dignant, so, mortified, that he asks: "Should, ncjt, every American hang his head in shame, that such a thing should occur in our highest depart ment of government?" I, alone, am responsible for that letter, and I am not ashamed of it. Attention is called to it, that I may expose the desperation of the man who has sought to use it as a means of advanc ing himself politically. The letter was writton to an appointive- ofllcer, whose ofilce WAS NOT UNDER THE CIVIL SERVICE, and the inquiry was made in regard to offices which WERE NOT? .UNDER THE CIVIL SERVICE. There was nothing" in aim iettor to ftulfratn a doslre or in tention to select men who wore incompetent. On the contrary, inquiry is made as to "what is requisite." By what logic does Mr. Hughes reach the conclusion that "every American should hang his head in shame" because a dem ocratic secretary of state expressed an interest in the appointment of deserving democrats to positions NOT UNDER THE CIVIL SERVICE, for which such democrats were competent? Mr. Hughes had appointments to make when he was governor. Did he give those appointments to deserving republicans or to undeserving repub licans? If to deserving republicans, did his ac tion cause every citizen of New York to "hang his head in shame"? Or, is he so partisan that he regards it as entirely proper and patriotic to appoint deserving republicans and only shamoful to appoint deserving democrats? Mr". Hughes recognizes political obligation! and has shown himself quite prompt in discharg ing such obligations. When he was a candidate for governor, he received the support of the railroads of New York and he generously paid the debt by vetoing the two-cent passenger rate bill. He does not describe that as shameful. When a candidate for governor, he received the support of the New York tax dodgers, the own ers of "swollen fortunes' and he paid his debt by sending a message to the legislature protest ing against the income tax amendment. to the federal constitution. He does not describe that as shameful. He Is now being supported by the