INf??BI5V
The Commoner
NOVEMBER, 1915
15 .
this war lasts. If wo change now, it will bo a
confession that we have been wrong and that
Europe has been right, and if we make this con
fession, we shall not only be powerless to assist
the belligerent countries by a good example, but
we shall, by imitation, encourage them In the
course which has drawn them into this unprece
dented conflict. If we are ever to change our
policy, now of all times is not the time.
We must consider also our influence on Latin
America. If we adopt this new policy and turn
our energies from the arts of peace to prepara
tion for war, will not our neighboring republics
bo urged to follow our example? Can wo afford
to take the responsibility of retarding their
progress by encouraging them to divert their
money from needed improvements, to expendi
tures which are not only unnecessary, but a
menace to the friendly relations which now ex
ist between them? There is no excuse for the
present outburst of war spirit it is not only
without excuse, but contains infinite possibilities
for harm.
Second, there never ha3 been a time in fifty
years when we were in less danger than now.
No nation has any thought of waging war
against us and our preparedness is increasing
relatively more rapidly than ever before. If the
warring nations keep on killing each other as
they are killing each other now, burning up
property as they are burning it up now, and
mortgaging the future as they are mortgaging
it now, they Will not have left enough able-bodied
men, enough money or enough credit to
threaten a nation like this. No, there is no ex
cuse for the attempt which is now being made
to lash the country into a fright over possible
wars. Let us- do what we can to stop the war in
Europe; humanity, as well as our own security,
demands it. But if we can not stop the war
there if the dogs of war must fight we should
at least keep hydrophobia out of this country
whilo the war lasts.
And now lot us consider the way out or the
road to permanent peace. And before taking up
the real way out let us for a moment look at
some of the ways that do not lead out. Some
talk of annihilation and argue that the war must
go on until one side completely effaces the other.
Annihilation is a big word and the annihilation
of a nation a very difficult ta3k. Long before
they are in sight of annihilation they will bo so
sick of bloodshed that they will stop. Thero
are already signs of sickness now. They have
been striking in the coal mines on one side and
in the gun factories on the other. On one side
they have been protesting against threatened
conscription and on the other against the doc
trine of conquest, No, they will jiot carry the
war to the point of annihilation, arid if they did
it would be a crime against civilization. If they
do not know each other, we know 'them all, for
their children, have come among us and have
helped to make this' country wha it is. Wo
know that these belligerent nations have reached
their present positions through struggles that
have lasted for centuries and that each pne has
a priceless contribution to make to the future
of the world. God. might have made all the
flowers of one color and with a single fragrance,
but the world would not have been as attractive
had He done so. And so God might have made
all the nations with one history and a single
language, but I believe that the world is better
for their rivalries and their competitions; they
together constitute cine resplendent political bou
quet. Some think that if the war does not go on
until annihilation takes place it must at least
go on until one side is so completely triumph
ant that it can dictate the terms of peace, com
pel the acceptance of those terms, and there
after maintain the peace of Europe by the sword.
But when we consider the immense masses of
men on either side this thought is almost as
idle as the thought of annihilation, ana it will
not brighten the future if as result of this war
one nation or group of nations emerges from
the conflict master on land or sea.
If there is one lesson which history teaches
more clearly than any other it is that nations
which aspire to mere physical supremity have
no hope of immortality; the fact that they put
their faith in force ia proof that they have in
them the seeds of death. The pathway of human
progress is lined with the wrecks of empires
which, when at the zenith of their power,
thought themselves invincible.
What the world needs is not a despot to fix
the terms upon which the rest shall live; its
great need is that these nations shall be brought
together in a spirit of friendship and fellowship,
that they may co-operate In work-
nSn ?S itbe d08t,ny oC Europe. If
S?BthPTVai0Sy.lnfluenco' that influence
Sthpr nmi te? .t0 brIng th0 wnrrlne nations to
hnn tw n0t t0 encuEO them in the false
fore or fear pormanont Deace can bo built on
w"?f th lers of the nations at war toll ub
;!! ieyi . d I10t want th0 war aml uId ot
cause it, but none of thorn tell us how it can bo
brought to an end. Have not theBO noutral na
tions, all of whom bear burdens though they
are not to blame, a right to know what it is
uiat, being done, peace may be restored? For
what aro tho nations fightingnot in general
terms but specifically? Is it territory that thoy
want, then how much and where is it located?
is it blood that they demand, then how much
more blood must bo shed to avenge the blood
already shed? If they will not answer tho nou
tral nations, will they not make answer to their
own pooplo? The day will come when this ac
cumulated sorrow will overflow whon this pent
up anguish will find a voice and then, If not
before, tho rulers must answer that stern ques
tion which shakes thrones and Axes tho farther
most limits of arbitrary power: "Why do we
die?"
Europe has had machinery for war, but not
for peace. The nations of Europe could go to
war In a minute, but thoy were not sufficiently
supplied with machinery for the adjustment of
difficulties that defied diplomatic settlement.
And we can not bo harsh in our criticism be
cause, until recently, this nation was almost as
poorly supplied as tho European nations with
the machinery for tho preservation of peace.
Until within three years our best treaties were
those known as the "Arbitration Treaties" and
they had two serious defects. First, they only
ran five years and then died. And whon one of
there treaties died it had to be renewed by the
same formalities required for its negotiation. It
had to bo ratified by two-thirds of the senate,
which meant that though the President might
desire to continue It and though a majority of
the senate might desire to continue it, the ex
tension of its life could be prevented if a minor
ity of the senate, more than one-hird, objected.
But a still more serious defect was found In the
fact that these treaties did not cover all ques
tions they excepted questions of honor, ques
tions of independence, vital interests and inter
ests of third parties, the very ouestions out of
which wars are apt to grow. When a man is
angry every question is a question of honor,
every interest a vital interest. Man angry is a
very different animal from man calm: whon a
man is angry he swaggers about and talks about
what he can do, and he generally overestimates
it. When he is calm ho thinks about what ho
ought to do and listens to the volco of con
science. W6 now havo thirty, treaties with nations rep
resenting three-fourths of tho world and Iheso
treaties cure tho defects of which I havo spoken.
In .the first place, instead of dying at the end of
fiyyears they never die Thoy run on and on and
on until twelve months after one side or the oth
er has asked that they be discontinued. I bqlleve
that neither side will ever ask that these treaties
be discontinued. I haye such faith in these
treaties that I bflfve that a thousand years from
now the name of Woodrow Wilson and my name
will be linked together in tho capitals of tho
world and that these treaties will preserve the
peace of our nation hy furnishing machinery by
which peace can beprcserved with honor.
But what is more important than length of
life, tliese treaties contain no exceptions; they
cvfr all deputes of every kind and
character, Each one of these thirty treaties
provides that every dispute that defies diplomatic
settlement, if not by some other treaty submitted
for final settlement, must bo submitted to an
international commission for investigation and
report. Each one of these thirty treaties also
provides that the period of investigation may
last a year, and each- one of these treaties
further provides that during the period of Inves
tigation neither side shall declare war or begin
hostilities. Here are three provisions, new to
treaty-making, which reduce war between us
and tho contracting parties to a remote possi
bility. We do not contend that war is made Impos
sible I only wish it were possible to make war
impossible. But in order to secure the investi
gation of all questions -it was necessary to re
serve to each nation the right of independent ac
tion at the conclusion of the Investigation. If
anv one believes that war may sometimes bo
necessary, let him find consolation in the fact
that every ono of thoso treaties specifically re
serves tho right of our nation to go to war. If
any dcslro war. all thoy havo to do is to stir the
pooplo up to fever heat and keep them there
for a year; then if no othor way out is found,
tho nation is at liborty to fight its way out. And
I so much boliovo in tho right of the people to
havo what they want that I admit tho right of
tho pooplo to go to war if they really want It.
But I feel as a North Carolina congressman ex
pressed himself, that If wc are to havo war it
would bo better for tho pooplo to voto it upon
themsolvcu than to havo others voto It on them.
If thero Is any question upon which there should
bo a referendum vote, It Is tho question of pcaco
or war which may moan life or death to no many
people. And If wo havo a roforendum voto on
war, it will only bo fair that tho women shall
vote as well as tho mon, for women bear tho
larger portion of tho burden In time of war. I
beliovo that tho women should voto on all ques
tions, but if thjjy voto on only ono, it ought to
be at an election which docldcs tho issue botweon
pcaco and war.
And I ngrco with tho North Carolina congress
man in another mattor. IIo suggests that It
would insure deliberation on tho part of the
voters if tho vote was taken with tho under
standing that thoso who voted for war would
enlist first; and that thoso who voted against
war would constitute a great rencrvo army which
would not bo called Into .servico until after nil
thoso who voted for war had had a chance to
show what thoy could do. 1 IJko tho idea and I
venturo to add nnothor suggestion. I am a
journalist, among other things; whenovcr any
ono asks me what I am, my answer is, a Journal
ist. I am proud of tho profession, though not
of all tho members of it. If wo have war, I shall
insist In tho name of tho Journalists of tho coun
try that tho first battle line shall bo mado up
of jingo editors that they may have tho glory
of dying before any ono olso Is hurt.
These thirty treaties will, In my Judgment, go
far toward preserving pcaco and I beliovo that
the principle ought to be applied to all nation.
If -the plan is gbod enough to offer to all nations
and the offer has nevor been withdrawn; if
tho plan is good enough to bo entered Jnto with
nations representing ono, Million throo hundred
millions of people; if the, a is good enough
to be ondorsed in principle by'aormany, Austria
and Belgium, countries with which treaties pf
this kind havo not yet been negotiated it J
good enough to bo used with any country before
wo go to war with that country.
But I will go a step further; even If wp use
the treaty plan and It fails to secure a', settle
ment or if we fail to use It and reach a' point
where wo must decide, eithor to go Into this
war or to postpone final settlement o'ftho dis
pute until this war Is over if we roust cfioose
between these, two alternatives, I believe It
would be the part of wisdom to postpone final
settlement until the war Is over. First, because
postponement would make war unnecessary, and
that would be a sufficient reason for postponing
it. Wo would have no difficulty In settling any
dispute we now have or which may arise during
tho war but for the fear of tho effect of the set
tlement upon tho war Itself.
But even if a postponement did not prevent
war, It would be better to have our war after thli
war is over than during this war, because H
would then be our own war with the country
with which wo had our dispute and we could jiot
only go Into the war at pleasure, but come out
at will. But this war is not our war It Is
everybody's war and if we go Into It, wo can
not como out without consulting others, and
others would determine also what we would
fight for while we were In and God forbid that
we shall ever tie ourselves to the quarrels, ri
valries and ambitions of tho nations of Europe,
And now bear with me for a moment while I
present three reasons why it Is imperatively
necessary that wo shall not enter this war, I
shall not present these reasons in the order of
their Importance, rather in inverse order. First,
no one can tell what It would cost ub in dollars
to enter this war. It is not like any other! war
and therefore estimates based upon tho 'past
would be of little value. Let those who glibly
talk of war give us a guess as to what it would
cost to tako part in this war and then give a
guaranty that their guess Is high enough. Many
predictions havo been made in regard to, this
war, but so far none have been verified, Would
it cost ono billion? One of the Jingo papers in
sisted a few weeks ago that con grew should be
called together immediately to vote a credit of
one billion dollars in anticipation of a possible
war. It would be more likely to cost us five bit-
