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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 12, 1909)
yj T n" qtf&PV-' riftmwriM : The Commoner. VOLUME 9,NUMBER 5 ttUirrwfarirwir Tr" jjnmMlfo T0!"' vysg'&SWtrjfll1' 4 St. -l 7 t EDUCATIONAL SERIES EDUCATIONAL CLUBS Already educational clubs in Hno with The Commoner'B suggestion aro being formed. Tho following letters received by Tho Commoner aro self-explanatory: Niagara, North Dakota, February 2, 1909. Tho democratic party can got control of tho fed oral government through education, and by hav ing a' platform as good as tlioy had in 1908; and of courso, by having Mr. Bryan at tho head of tho ticket. My theory in educating tho people would bo by organizing a club in every town, mooting once a week, and then discuss different questions of interest, then you would find they .would become intorestod in this work which is of such groat valuo to them much quicker than any other way. A good lesson learned is never forgotten. Bach reader of this paper should try to organize a club for Tho Commoner, so as to have it spread widely over the country, and havo as many people as possible reap tho benefits of this well posted paper. Tho republi can party won this election, through promises, which time will toll, they will not fulfill. Why is it that tho republican party did not have any jollifications after tho election, as they usually havo had? J. W. BERKIIEIMER. It. F. D. No. 1, Rexburg, Ida., Feb. 1, 1909. Wo havo organized tho Independence Democratic club and intend to follow your course of study. Edward Priest, president; Charles Johnson, first, vice president; J. G. Oram, second vice presi dent; S. C. Clay, secretary. Very truly yours, S. C. CLAY. Phoenix, Ariz., February 3, 1909. I believe tho study courso for The Commoner readers will prove a very valuable method for educa tion. I have just received the issue of January 29, containing the initial article. The subjects suggested therein for discussion are of national importance. Of the questions the initiative and referendum, recall and taxation are of vital im portance. But I suggest that the land value tax be added for discussion, since the monopoly of land is the barrier between the master and his industrial slave a land value tax is the means by which that barrier may be removed. The three above mentioned questions must be adopted as the fundamental issues composing the platform of the reform or democratic party, if a democratic .party expects to gain control of the federal government. Respectfully, W. B. WHITE. The Initiative and Referendum M , vf DIRECT LEGISLATION JOHN Z. WHITE IN THE PUBLIC (CHICAGO) Tho referendum seems generally to be mis understood. Peoplo apparently believe it to be something strange a now device, whose merits and demerits are vague and uncertain. In truth it is a plan universally followed in all parliamentary bodies. Without it parliamentary law is Impossible. Its absonco from legislative assemblies is possible only through the substi tution of that meanest and most irritating of all tyrannies, the rule of tho gavel. Tho referendum and initiative aro the means by which self-government is secured by any group of men under any conditions whatsoever. Interference with these is just so much sub tracted from the fact of self-government. In deliberative bodies a chairman is selected to preside. His duty is upon demand to en forco the rules that may bo adopted. If any decision rendered by him is thought to be in violation of these rules any member may appeal from such decision to the whole body. This is tho referendum. In the absence of this right of appoal tho presiding officer practically can do what ho pleases. If a monber wishes action on any matter he makes a motion to that effect, and this, on receiving tho support of a second member, ia placed before the body for consideration and adoption or rejection. This is the initiative. In tho absence of this right to "move," members are without power to act. If the people of a city, state or the nation, are in truth to be self-governing it seems inevitably ' . follow tna they must havo at hand the mears of making the government do their bidding. Tho peoplo of the city of Chicago, for Instance, voted in favor of public ownership of their street car system, but their board of aldermen were IS I?i Tn th0 PPula desire. The people of Philadelphia, and many other places, have repeatedly found themselves unable to achieve their wish. To many, self-government has for such reason come to be looked upon as an irrl descent dream. This pessimistic view arises from the fact that wo are possessed of but part of the neces sary machinery of self-government. We are llko an entgneer who has all essentials save tho governor. His engine will "so bnt S iratlon Is beyond orderly control. Tho initiative and referendum, taken alto gether, are called direct legislation That it just as in any deliberative body, if tho usual machinery does not produce desired results the body can act directly. So, if our city or -othe? government does not act rightly, the body of tho people, when possessed of the machinery of direct legislation, can act, or legislate, directly. Without this power they are not really self governing. THE .INITIATIVE It is proposed, therefore, to give, to a certain percentage of the qualified voters in any politi cal body the power to prepare and present peti tions for proposed laws to the whole body of voters. This is the exact equivalent of a motion in any club or society, save that a' considerable number of "seconds" is required. That is, each signer of the petition really "seconds" the mo tion to adopt the matter proposed in the petition. Such action is the initiative. It is sometimes said that the people need only to elect officials favorable to desired laws, and that thereby all need for the device known as the initiative will vanish. The fallacy in this position comes from the fact that our officials have many duties. An officer may be highly esteemed and very satisfactory in nearly all relations, but at the same time be quite at variance with the people on some question held by them to be important. Why shall we main tain a system that either deprives us of the effi cient officer, or of a measure that we believe to be expedient? YO tnAnnmoCif Wa? eJected b a" majority of two lo HAiw6 declad himself opposed hv I InlfV ih? samo constituency favored by a vote of three to one. The opposing candl- S&rm nWhiU had declared la favor ofthia werey,lnTthhP anaUV8 8imPle' 0ther IbbuS ESE'JS.1? ?pinIo " voters, sufficiently SSSS ? T,t0 forcQ this matter into the back pound. If possessed of the power to initiate legislation the voters could have enjoyed tho services of the officer they desired, and also secured the adoption of the policy1 they nre- govefning67 ' ta faCt ? S- THE REFERENDUM It is also proposed that the people shall hnVA fSli expressed by Petition, asP explained IS the above reference to the inf tf atf vo t J. cars? srsarii S3 and signed by the given percentage of quaHfled voters, whereupon it shall be submitted to ?S2 people for adoption or rejection. This is exaoHv equivalent to "an appeal from tho chair "Tho matter may be placed before the peonle J ? special election or at the next geneSS eleofion It Is sometimes -urged that under such a ni the people would bo voting all the timo and on a 1 manner of questions. In fact, tK 3w dum, where adopted, ia seldom resorted to Legislators are careful when they know the peo ple can reverse their doings; and, very much more important, lobbyists are not inclined to use their peculiar powers of persuasion on mem bers of legislative bodies when they know there are watchful citizens intent upon the defeat of their nefarious schemes, and with full power to defeat them if the people so will. Legislators are usually elected for two years, and"the people, who are the principals, have no control of their agents save by criminal or im peachment proceedings and constitutional guar anties, which are subject to court interpretation. Would any rational business man give to an agent or agents complete control equal to an irrevocable power of attorney of his establish ment for two years? If he continued this prac tice, with no power save to change his attorney every two years, how long would his establish ment continue to be his property? The referendum will not only cure legislative rascality, but in even greater degree will operate as a preventive. Would a railroad corporation bribe a legislative body to enact injurious mon opoly laws if it knew the people would in all probability rescind such act within a few weeks or months? It would not pay. The corporation would merely lose the money spent to secure legislative privileges. LEGISLATIVE OBSTRUCTION With the initiative and referendum the will of the people can not be thwarted by indirect methods. In the legislature, "pigeonholing" and obscure amendments frequently divert or even reverse the effect of a law as,pfirst introduced. A bill, on being presented to the legislature, is referred to a committee. Unless those inter ested in its adoption are sufficiently powerful to overcome any opposition that may appear, the bill is never heard of again it is "pigeon holed." If forced from the committee, and its enemies can not outvote its friends, it may be placed sb far down on the list of bills that the day of adjournment arrives before it Is acted upon. Failing to stop the bill by these methods, amendments are proposed, and it often happens that a few members are (or profess to be) convinced the amendments are desirable, when In fact they render the whole bill useless'. If the bill finally gets through one house, it must travel the same ' course in the other. Failure of the two houses to agree often leads to a conference committee from both with, of course, another opening for clever minds. After all this the bill may still be vetoed. Later still it must run the gauntlet of the courts. All of these indirect methods of obstruction are avoided by the initiative and referendum. A bill properly signed and filed goes- to the people without obstruction. The people either adopt or reject. All opportunity to deceive or poison is eliminated. Direct legislation is merely the application to our public affairs of those methods that ex perience has shown best suited to attain the end desired. That end is self-government. Do we want self-government? It sometimes seems problematical. Capable men who oppose direct legislation can explain their attitude only on the ground that the people, in their judgment, are not capable of managing their own affairs. Such men are tories. They have no proper place to the American scheme of government. If it be held that we have In fact conducted !?w7m3nt for aove a century without direct legislation and that we may safely con tinue "in the path our fathers trod," we would call attention to the fact that in nothing e"se ThoSJS'fl? 6d With ,th WayB 0f our They used the ox cartwe don't. Just as we have Improved on oui father's mechanical ap pliances without violence to the principles of mechanics, so it may be possible to improvl on governmental machinery without In any way wn!ctgweherir ffdSSiS elIminatIon of defecUvfmetK In detail, to the end that the essential Prlncinle involved might be more fully realtzel L Why ? f14?0 ?? Eart of Wisdom to eliminate like ernmCente? tte may $ our gov Again, when we remember that for th a eminent. One is that we elect superior men to legislative office, whose function is to Sact laws, for the regulation of our industrial al Lh""TWmiiU I WIJMUMllIIIllllJlTtigrrr ,n u,-,- - - A I i ' ' lf'rPn WWHilW i' li'UMHIM HIWW IMIHMtfrMMMiimnii I hijfaVT! -X W- ,.V ...... . JZZ4m36i3&