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The Commoner.
VOLUME 9,NUMBER 5
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EDUCATIONAL SERIES
EDUCATIONAL CLUBS
Already educational clubs in Hno with The
Commoner'B suggestion aro being formed. Tho
following letters received by Tho Commoner aro
self-explanatory:
Niagara, North Dakota, February 2, 1909.
Tho democratic party can got control of tho fed
oral government through education, and by hav
ing a' platform as good as tlioy had in 1908; and
of courso, by having Mr. Bryan at tho head of
tho ticket. My theory in educating tho people
would bo by organizing a club in every town,
mooting once a week, and then discuss different
questions of interest, then you would find they
.would become intorestod in this work which
is of such groat valuo to them much quicker
than any other way. A good lesson learned is
never forgotten. Bach reader of this paper
should try to organize a club for Tho Commoner,
so as to have it spread widely over the country,
and havo as many people as possible reap tho
benefits of this well posted paper. Tho republi
can party won this election, through promises,
which time will toll, they will not fulfill. Why
is it that tho republican party did not have any
jollifications after tho election, as they usually
havo had? J. W. BERKIIEIMER.
It. F. D. No. 1, Rexburg, Ida., Feb. 1, 1909.
Wo havo organized tho Independence Democratic
club and intend to follow your course of study.
Edward Priest, president; Charles Johnson, first,
vice president; J. G. Oram, second vice presi
dent; S. C. Clay, secretary. Very truly yours,
S. C. CLAY.
Phoenix, Ariz., February 3, 1909. I believe
tho study courso for The Commoner readers
will prove a very valuable method for educa
tion. I have just received the issue of January
29, containing the initial article. The subjects
suggested therein for discussion are of national
importance. Of the questions the initiative and
referendum, recall and taxation are of vital im
portance. But I suggest that the land value
tax be added for discussion, since the monopoly
of land is the barrier between the master and
his industrial slave a land value tax is the
means by which that barrier may be removed.
The three above mentioned questions must be
adopted as the fundamental issues composing
the platform of the reform or democratic party,
if a democratic .party expects to gain control
of the federal government.
Respectfully,
W. B. WHITE.
The Initiative and Referendum
M , vf DIRECT LEGISLATION
JOHN Z. WHITE IN THE PUBLIC (CHICAGO)
Tho referendum seems generally to be mis
understood. Peoplo apparently believe it to be
something strange a now device, whose merits
and demerits are vague and uncertain. In
truth it is a plan universally followed in all
parliamentary bodies. Without it parliamentary
law is Impossible. Its absonco from legislative
assemblies is possible only through the substi
tution of that meanest and most irritating of all
tyrannies, the rule of tho gavel.
Tho referendum and initiative aro the means
by which self-government is secured by any
group of men under any conditions whatsoever.
Interference with these is just so much sub
tracted from the fact of self-government.
In deliberative bodies a chairman is selected
to preside. His duty is upon demand to en
forco the rules that may bo adopted. If any
decision rendered by him is thought to be in
violation of these rules any member may appeal
from such decision to the whole body. This is
tho referendum. In the absence of this right of
appoal tho presiding officer practically can do
what ho pleases.
If a monber wishes action on any matter
he makes a motion to that effect, and this, on
receiving tho support of a second member, ia
placed before the body for consideration and
adoption or rejection. This is the initiative. In
tho absence of this right to "move," members
are without power to act.
If the people of a city, state or the nation, are
in truth to be self-governing it seems inevitably
' . follow tna they must havo at hand the mears
of making the government do their bidding.
Tho peoplo of the city of Chicago, for Instance,
voted in favor of public ownership of their street
car system, but their board of aldermen were
IS I?i Tn th0 PPula desire. The people
of Philadelphia, and many other places, have
repeatedly found themselves unable to achieve
their wish. To many, self-government has for
such reason come to be looked upon as an irrl
descent dream.
This pessimistic view arises from the fact
that wo are possessed of but part of the neces
sary machinery of self-government. We are
llko an entgneer who has all essentials save
tho governor. His engine will "so bnt S
iratlon Is beyond orderly control.
Tho initiative and referendum, taken alto
gether, are called direct legislation That it
just as in any deliberative body, if tho usual
machinery does not produce desired results the
body can act directly. So, if our city or -othe?
government does not act rightly, the body of
tho people, when possessed of the machinery of
direct legislation, can act, or legislate, directly.
Without this power they are not really self
governing. THE .INITIATIVE
It is proposed, therefore, to give, to a certain
percentage of the qualified voters in any politi
cal body the power to prepare and present peti
tions for proposed laws to the whole body of
voters. This is the exact equivalent of a motion
in any club or society, save that a' considerable
number of "seconds" is required. That is, each
signer of the petition really "seconds" the mo
tion to adopt the matter proposed in the petition.
Such action is the initiative.
It is sometimes said that the people need only
to elect officials favorable to desired laws, and
that thereby all need for the device known as
the initiative will vanish. The fallacy in this
position comes from the fact that our officials
have many duties. An officer may be highly
esteemed and very satisfactory in nearly all
relations, but at the same time be quite at
variance with the people on some question held
by them to be important. Why shall we main
tain a system that either deprives us of the effi
cient officer, or of a measure that we believe
to be expedient? YO
tnAnnmoCif Wa? eJected b a" majority of two
lo HAiw6 declad himself opposed
hv I InlfV ih? samo constituency favored
by a vote of three to one. The opposing candl-
S&rm nWhiU had declared la favor ofthia
werey,lnTthhP anaUV8 8imPle' 0ther IbbuS
ESE'JS.1? ?pinIo " voters, sufficiently
SSSS ? T,t0 forcQ this matter into the back
pound. If possessed of the power to initiate
legislation the voters could have enjoyed tho
services of the officer they desired, and also
secured the adoption of the policy1 they nre-
govefning67 ' ta faCt ? S-
THE REFERENDUM
It is also proposed that the people shall hnVA
fSli expressed by Petition, asP explained IS
the above reference to the inf tf atf vo t J.
cars? srsarii S3
and signed by the given percentage of quaHfled
voters, whereupon it shall be submitted to ?S2
people for adoption or rejection. This is exaoHv
equivalent to "an appeal from tho chair "Tho
matter may be placed before the peonle J ?
special election or at the next geneSS eleofion
It Is sometimes -urged that under such a ni
the people would bo voting all the timo and on
a 1 manner of questions. In fact, tK 3w
dum, where adopted, ia seldom resorted to
Legislators are careful when they know the peo
ple can reverse their doings; and, very much
more important, lobbyists are not inclined to
use their peculiar powers of persuasion on mem
bers of legislative bodies when they know there
are watchful citizens intent upon the defeat of
their nefarious schemes, and with full power
to defeat them if the people so will.
Legislators are usually elected for two years,
and"the people, who are the principals, have no
control of their agents save by criminal or im
peachment proceedings and constitutional guar
anties, which are subject to court interpretation.
Would any rational business man give to an
agent or agents complete control equal to an
irrevocable power of attorney of his establish
ment for two years? If he continued this prac
tice, with no power save to change his attorney
every two years, how long would his establish
ment continue to be his property?
The referendum will not only cure legislative
rascality, but in even greater degree will operate
as a preventive. Would a railroad corporation
bribe a legislative body to enact injurious mon
opoly laws if it knew the people would in all
probability rescind such act within a few weeks
or months? It would not pay. The corporation
would merely lose the money spent to secure
legislative privileges.
LEGISLATIVE OBSTRUCTION
With the initiative and referendum the will
of the people can not be thwarted by indirect
methods. In the legislature, "pigeonholing" and
obscure amendments frequently divert or even
reverse the effect of a law as,pfirst introduced.
A bill, on being presented to the legislature,
is referred to a committee. Unless those inter
ested in its adoption are sufficiently powerful
to overcome any opposition that may appear,
the bill is never heard of again it is "pigeon
holed." If forced from the committee, and its
enemies can not outvote its friends, it may be
placed sb far down on the list of bills that the
day of adjournment arrives before it Is acted
upon. Failing to stop the bill by these methods,
amendments are proposed, and it often happens
that a few members are (or profess to be)
convinced the amendments are desirable, when
In fact they render the whole bill useless'.
If the bill finally gets through one house, it
must travel the same ' course in the other.
Failure of the two houses to agree often leads
to a conference committee from both with, of
course, another opening for clever minds.
After all this the bill may still be vetoed.
Later still it must run the gauntlet of the courts.
All of these indirect methods of obstruction
are avoided by the initiative and referendum.
A bill properly signed and filed goes- to the
people without obstruction. The people either
adopt or reject. All opportunity to deceive or
poison is eliminated.
Direct legislation is merely the application
to our public affairs of those methods that ex
perience has shown best suited to attain the
end desired. That end is self-government. Do
we want self-government? It sometimes seems
problematical. Capable men who oppose direct
legislation can explain their attitude only on
the ground that the people, in their judgment,
are not capable of managing their own affairs.
Such men are tories. They have no proper place
to the American scheme of government.
If it be held that we have In fact conducted
!?w7m3nt for aove a century without
direct legislation and that we may safely con
tinue "in the path our fathers trod," we would
call attention to the fact that in nothing e"se
ThoSJS'fl? 6d With ,th WayB 0f our
They used the ox cartwe don't. Just as we
have Improved on oui father's mechanical ap
pliances without violence to the principles of
mechanics, so it may be possible to improvl on
governmental machinery without In any way
wn!ctgweherir
ffdSSiS elIminatIon of defecUvfmetK
In detail, to the end that the essential Prlncinle
involved might be more fully realtzel L Why
? f14?0 ?? Eart of Wisdom to eliminate like
ernmCente? tte may $ our gov
Again, when we remember that for th a
eminent. One is that we elect superior men to
legislative office, whose function is to Sact
laws, for the regulation of our industrial al
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