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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (March 2, 1906)
f-,"PW fRJaNr wr-.-'IKSpSilnr' n MARCH 2, 1906 The Commoner. 3 decision? Tho courts decided that railroads could not consolidate along certain plans. The railroads merely proceeded to accomplish tho same ends by following other plans. Competi tion is stifled, just as was contemplated by tho merger. Consolidation goes merrily on. Every day the railroad trust seizes another line or two. The rates grow a little stiffer and the burdens upon the people a little heavier with every pass ing hour. The decision against the merger doen not seem to have had any effect upon tho emi nent financiers who are playing a big game, with the power to exploit the people as tho stake. They were told that they were "real naughty," and that if they persisted in their "naughtiness" they would be. slapped lightly on the wrist, so to speak. It seems that the threat has had no effect. Why not put a few rich criminals behind the bars to keep company with laboring men who haveshad the temerity to violate some judgo made laws? That might have some effect. JJJ WHAT A DELIGHTFUL JOKE IT JS! Newspaper dispatches say thaj; the inquiry in the case of the state of Missouri against the Standard Oil company was resumed February 13, and adjourned after the following two questions were asked of a process server and answered as follows: "Have you made any effort to serve John D. Rockefeller?" S "I have." "Have you succeeded?" "No." The newspaper paragraphia are having great sport these days in guessing as to Mr. Rockefeller's whereabouts. An" officer of the law has made repeated efforts to locate this trust magnate in order to serve upon him a writ com manding him to appear and tell what he knows concerning the alleged violation or law by his great business concern. But the trust magnate is in hiding, and although he is, perhaps, the most talked about man in the world, as he is unquestionably the richest of all men, the au thorities seem to be unable to locate him. Yet this man who- iB hiding from the officers . of the law gives enormous sums or money for the erection of colleges and for the spread of the gospel among' the heathen. Wherever his tainted money has touched college or church circles criticism of his methods nas been silenced and many men have been led to believe that he is a benefactor of his race ana a man whose life may well serve as a 'model ror rising genera tions. What an inspiration to the youth of our land that a man whpse proud boast it is that within recent years he has given more than $16,000,000 to one university in the city or Chicago, takes to his heels when he learns that an officer of the law has been commissioned to command him to appear before a magistrate ana 'make a simple statement of fact with r.espect to his business methods. When one seriously thinks about it, this is a solemn affair. Can any one explain how it happens that this man has not, by reason of his flight, lost any of his standing with those who have been ready to stand uncovered in his presence? Can any one explain how it happens that this very serious affair is made the butt of ..newspaper jokes? Perhaps the explanation is that, because of the influence which the contributions this man has made to colleges and" to churches have had in silencing criticism, he feels jthat he may do with impunity what men of ordinary mean's dare not do. And the public, grown accustomed to his wrongdoing, take substantially the same view. The power of public opinion is great and that opinion when crystallized would very speed ily bring this arrogant monopolist to his knees. Let us imagine, for a moment, that the heads of educational institutions and the men in charge of religious organizations would say to this notori ous fugitive from law: "We will accept none of your tainted money until you cease your de fiance of authority and your violation of statutes. We will accept none of your llr-gotten gains un less you bring them as a contribution to the con science fund rather than as a means for the erection of a memorial to your unholy methods." Let us suppose, then, that the newspapers of the country rather than treating Rockefeller's flight as a good joke gave to it that attention and condemnation which we have the right to expect from nowspapers representing the intel ligence and integrity of the couniry. Let us imagine that every well-meaning man avoids the temptation to find ingenious excuses for 'this notorious law-breaker ana passes judg ment on his methods in accordance with the same rule they apply to tho commonest law breaker in the land. Let us imagine that that wnolesomo publio sentiment upon which civilization must depend is crystallized and expressed througn the channels from which we havo tho right to expect such manifestations. - How long, under these circumstances, would Rockefeller continue to bo defiant? How long would he remain in hiding? How long would his monopoly, which has been guilty of nearly all the crimes in the calendar, exist? Rockefeller, tho builder of colleges! Rockefeller, tho contributor to foreign mis sions! . Rockefeller, the fugitive from law! What a delightful joke it is! JJJ EASY TO BELIEVE Attorney General Moody makes the solemn declaration that Commissioner Garfield did not furnish the department of justice with any evi dence against the packers. The strange part ,o this declaration lies in tho fact that Attorney General Moody never cracked a smile when ho made it. Commissioner Garfield not only did not present any evidence to the department of justice, but he presented nothing less than an apology for the packers. The Garfield report will for many years to come stand forth as an example of how government officials should not set about to 'glean facts. JJJ - ' LIMITATIONS ON JUSTiCE Governor Magoon of the canal zone, testify ing before the senate committee on canals was asked by Senator Morgan whether the courts as constituted by the isthmian canal commission could deny to an American citizen his inherent right to trial by jury when cnarged with a capital offense. Governor Magoon said that presented "a serious question." The Associated Press report says: , ", "In a general discussion of. the subject Senator Knox said he .should npt luce to decide what the ruling of the United States supreme court would be in. this matter. Jury trials are not had in the canal zone, nor in thp Philippines, .and in the letter the supreme court had upheld the system as applied to the trial of a native Filipino Senator Knox said he could not say what the decision would be if an American, going to possessions of the United States, was tried ana convicted , in like manner." Under imperialism all manner or un-American-isms are possible. It is likely that the supreme court as at present constituted would sustain the un-American practice in the canal zone just as it did in the Philippines. But it will require more than a supreme court decision to convince the average student of American institutions that denial of the right of trial by jury, as guaranteed in the constitution and emphasized In an amend ment thereto, is justified. Until we embraced the spirit of Imperialism the guarantee of the right of trial by jury was always regarded as a very important constitutional provision. Mr. Jefferson referrea to it as one of "the fetters against doing evil which no honest government should decline." In a letter to Thomas Paine, Mr. Jefferson said: "I consider trial by jury as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man by wlilch a govern ment can be held to the principles of its consti tution." J In the declaration on taking up arms, it was complained of parliament by the American col onists that "they have deprivea us of the in estimable privilege of trial by a jury of the vicinage in cases affecting both life and prop erty." Among the complaints enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, is that King George was guilty of "depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury." In the reply to Lord North's proposition that proposition was said to be "altogether unsatisfac tory" because it "takes from us the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage in cases affecting both life and property." In his first inaugural address President Jef ferson said: "Trials by juries impartially selected I deem one of the essential principles of our government and consequently one which ought to shape its administration." In a letter to Dr. Price, Mr. Jefferson said: "I doubt whether Franco will obtain in its proposed constitution, the trial by jury, because they are not sensible of its value." Another time Mr. Jefferson said: "Trial by jury is tho best of all safeguards for tho porson, property,-and tho fnmo of every in dividual." At another time ho said: "By a dec laration of rights I mean one which shall stipu late trials by jury in all cases." The republican platform of 1900 promisod to tho people of our now possessions all tho liberty they aro capable of onjoying. Can it bo that when Governor Magoon said that it was a sGrious question whether an American citizen sojourning in tho canal zono could bo denied the right of trial by jury ho meant that on that, as on other territory where wo presume to rule by .force, men aro to bo given all tho justice they aro capable of enjoying? 4 JJJ BUT WE MUST FORGET IT ''' ". Referring to an editorial recently appearing in Tho Commoner "Facts to be ForgottonV -J. H. Manley of Buckhannon, W. Va., asks leave to 'amend. Mr. Manley reminds us that republican leaders told us that tho tariff was not a tax; they then told us that it was a tax, but that tho foreigner paid it; then they said, in effect, that the tariff was a tax but the consumer paid it; but their argument was that the tax made things cheaper. Mr. Manley says: "Thoy told us as late as 1900 that there was no such thing as a trust in the United States save the ice trust in New York, when we all knew that there was a beef trust, a tobacco trust, an oil trust, a shoe and leather trust, a hide trust, and manyothera wo could mention. They would have us bellovo that under republican rule the people have al ways "been prosperous, but in answer to this I enclose a clipping of an article printed several years ago in the Now York World. But wo must forget these things." The late Thomas B. Reed after his retire ment from the speakership delivered a speech in New York in which ho said: "Another thing which led this whole country Into the error of 1892 was the history of the last thirty years. During all that time wo have been prosperous." The World called this "cold, colossal and im pudent falsification of history," and said that it must have astonished those among liis hearers whoso memories were more than one year long. Then this Now York paper gave xdt. Reed these Interesting reminders: "The panic of 1873 under republican rule and after twelve years of high tariff taxation, was the most disastrous and tne period of business depression for five years thereafter was the most severe of any in our history. It was officially estimate'd that 3,000,000 workingmen were out of employment. Bank ruptcy was widespread. A tidal wave o ruin and distress swept over the country.- .. "From 1881 to 1886, under two republican tariffs, there were labor strikes involving 22,304 establishments and 1,323,203 workmen. Of these strikes 9,439 were ror an Increase of wages and 4,344 against reductions of wages. "Mr. Reed's party tinkered the tariff in 1883. In that year there were 9,184 business failures, involving $172,874,000. In 1884 there were 10,968 failures, involving $226, 343,000. In the next year, still under the republican tariff and currency laws, there was a general business depression. More than 1,000,000 men were out of employment. "In 1890 the McKinley bill was passed, and there were 10,673 failures In that year, and 12,394 -the next, with liabilities In each year amounting to nearly $200,000,000. The tariff was raised to nearly 50 per cent, but wages either .stood still or declined, while the prices of necessaries advanced. The protect ed manufacturers kept, all their 'bonus' as usual. "Tramps and trusts, the twin products of a monopolists' tariff, were practically unknown in this country until we had en dured uninterrupted republican rule for a dozen years. "The worst labor troubles, the bloodiest riots, the most destructive strikes, the most brutal lockouts ever known in any coun try have occurred here under tho high tariffs, bought, made and paid for by the contributors of the republican campaign funds." But Mr. Manley reminds us that "we "must forget all these things." It will be admitted, we think, that the Amer ican citizen must have a very active "forgettery" in order to be thoroughly impressed with the proud claims made by the average - republican orator. v fcUo&Atf. jA(Mr&3nu!MTi MVS .!- m fcwJMAfr&Ufc, .Mte a dttiii .JiH