f-,"PW fRJaNr wr-.-'IKSpSilnr'
n
MARCH 2, 1906
The Commoner.
3
decision? Tho courts decided that railroads
could not consolidate along certain plans. The
railroads merely proceeded to accomplish tho
same ends by following other plans. Competi
tion is stifled, just as was contemplated by tho
merger. Consolidation goes merrily on. Every
day the railroad trust seizes another line or two.
The rates grow a little stiffer and the burdens
upon the people a little heavier with every pass
ing hour. The decision against the merger doen
not seem to have had any effect upon tho emi
nent financiers who are playing a big game, with
the power to exploit the people as tho stake.
They were told that they were "real naughty,"
and that if they persisted in their "naughtiness"
they would be. slapped lightly on the wrist, so
to speak. It seems that the threat has had no
effect. Why not put a few rich criminals behind
the bars to keep company with laboring men
who haveshad the temerity to violate some judgo
made laws? That might have some effect.
JJJ
WHAT A DELIGHTFUL JOKE IT JS!
Newspaper dispatches say thaj; the inquiry in
the case of the state of Missouri against the
Standard Oil company was resumed February 13,
and adjourned after the following two questions
were asked of a process server and answered as
follows:
"Have you made any effort to serve John D.
Rockefeller?" S
"I have."
"Have you succeeded?"
"No."
The newspaper paragraphia are having
great sport these days in guessing as to Mr.
Rockefeller's whereabouts. An" officer of the law
has made repeated efforts to locate this trust
magnate in order to serve upon him a writ com
manding him to appear and tell what he knows
concerning the alleged violation or law by his
great business concern. But the trust magnate
is in hiding, and although he is, perhaps, the
most talked about man in the world, as he is
unquestionably the richest of all men, the au
thorities seem to be unable to locate him.
Yet this man who- iB hiding from the officers .
of the law gives enormous sums or money for
the erection of colleges and for the spread of the
gospel among' the heathen. Wherever his
tainted money has touched college or church
circles criticism of his methods nas been silenced
and many men have been led to believe that
he is a benefactor of his race ana a man whose
life may well serve as a 'model ror rising genera
tions. What an inspiration to the youth of our land
that a man whpse proud boast it is that within
recent years he has given more than $16,000,000
to one university in the city or Chicago, takes
to his heels when he learns that an officer of the
law has been commissioned to command him to
appear before a magistrate ana 'make a simple
statement of fact with r.espect to his business
methods.
When one seriously thinks about it, this is a
solemn affair.
Can any one explain how it happens that
this man has not, by reason of his flight, lost
any of his standing with those who have been
ready to stand uncovered in his presence? Can
any one explain how it happens that this very
serious affair is made the butt of ..newspaper
jokes?
Perhaps the explanation is that, because of
the influence which the contributions this man
has made to colleges and" to churches have had
in silencing criticism, he feels jthat he may do
with impunity what men of ordinary mean's dare
not do. And the public, grown accustomed to his
wrongdoing, take substantially the same view.
The power of public opinion is great and
that opinion when crystallized would very speed
ily bring this arrogant monopolist to his knees.
Let us imagine, for a moment, that the heads
of educational institutions and the men in charge
of religious organizations would say to this notori
ous fugitive from law: "We will accept none of
your tainted money until you cease your de
fiance of authority and your violation of statutes.
We will accept none of your llr-gotten gains un
less you bring them as a contribution to the con
science fund rather than as a means for the
erection of a memorial to your unholy methods."
Let us suppose, then, that the newspapers
of the country rather than treating Rockefeller's
flight as a good joke gave to it that attention
and condemnation which we have the right to
expect from nowspapers representing the intel
ligence and integrity of the couniry.
Let us imagine that every well-meaning man
avoids the temptation to find ingenious excuses
for 'this notorious law-breaker ana passes judg
ment on his methods in accordance with the
same rule they apply to tho commonest law
breaker in the land.
Let us imagine that that wnolesomo publio
sentiment upon which civilization must depend
is crystallized and expressed througn the channels
from which we havo tho right to expect such
manifestations. -
How long, under these circumstances, would
Rockefeller continue to bo defiant? How long
would he remain in hiding? How long would
his monopoly, which has been guilty of nearly all
the crimes in the calendar, exist?
Rockefeller, tho builder of colleges!
Rockefeller, tho contributor to foreign mis
sions! .
Rockefeller, the fugitive from law!
What a delightful joke it is!
JJJ
EASY TO BELIEVE
Attorney General Moody makes the solemn
declaration that Commissioner Garfield did not
furnish the department of justice with any evi
dence against the packers. The strange part ,o
this declaration lies in tho fact that Attorney
General Moody never cracked a smile when ho
made it. Commissioner Garfield not only did
not present any evidence to the department of
justice, but he presented nothing less than an
apology for the packers. The Garfield report will
for many years to come stand forth as an example
of how government officials should not set about
to 'glean facts.
JJJ - '
LIMITATIONS ON JUSTiCE
Governor Magoon of the canal zone, testify
ing before the senate committee on canals was
asked by Senator Morgan whether the courts as
constituted by the isthmian canal commission
could deny to an American citizen his inherent
right to trial by jury when cnarged with a
capital offense.
Governor Magoon said that presented "a
serious question."
The Associated Press report says: ,
", "In a general discussion of. the subject
Senator Knox said he .should npt luce to
decide what the ruling of the United States
supreme court would be in. this matter. Jury
trials are not had in the canal zone, nor in
thp Philippines, .and in the letter the supreme
court had upheld the system as applied to
the trial of a native Filipino Senator Knox
said he could not say what the decision
would be if an American, going to possessions
of the United States, was tried ana convicted
, in like manner."
Under imperialism all manner or un-American-isms
are possible. It is likely that the supreme
court as at present constituted would sustain the
un-American practice in the canal zone just as
it did in the Philippines. But it will require more
than a supreme court decision to convince the
average student of American institutions that
denial of the right of trial by jury, as guaranteed
in the constitution and emphasized In an amend
ment thereto, is justified.
Until we embraced the spirit of Imperialism
the guarantee of the right of trial by jury was
always regarded as a very important constitutional
provision. Mr. Jefferson referrea to it as one
of "the fetters against doing evil which no
honest government should decline."
In a letter to Thomas Paine, Mr. Jefferson
said: "I consider trial by jury as the only anchor
ever yet imagined by man by wlilch a govern
ment can be held to the principles of its consti
tution." J
In the declaration on taking up arms, it was
complained of parliament by the American col
onists that "they have deprivea us of the in
estimable privilege of trial by a jury of the
vicinage in cases affecting both life and prop
erty." Among the complaints enumerated in the
Declaration of Independence, is that King George
was guilty of "depriving us in many cases of the
benefits of trial by jury."
In the reply to Lord North's proposition that
proposition was said to be "altogether unsatisfac
tory" because it "takes from us the right of trial
by a jury of the vicinage in cases affecting both
life and property."
In his first inaugural address President Jef
ferson said: "Trials by juries impartially selected
I deem one of the essential principles of our
government and consequently one which ought
to shape its administration." In a letter to Dr.
Price, Mr. Jefferson said: "I doubt whether
Franco will obtain in its proposed constitution,
the trial by jury, because they are not sensible
of its value." Another time Mr. Jefferson said:
"Trial by jury is tho best of all safeguards for
tho porson, property,-and tho fnmo of every in
dividual." At another time ho said: "By a dec
laration of rights I mean one which shall stipu
late trials by jury in all cases."
The republican platform of 1900 promisod to
tho people of our now possessions all tho liberty
they aro capable of onjoying. Can it bo that
when Governor Magoon said that it was a sGrious
question whether an American citizen sojourning
in tho canal zono could bo denied the right of
trial by jury ho meant that on that, as on other
territory where wo presume to rule by .force,
men aro to bo given all tho justice they aro
capable of enjoying? 4
JJJ
BUT WE MUST FORGET IT ''' ".
Referring to an editorial recently appearing
in Tho Commoner "Facts to be ForgottonV -J. H.
Manley of Buckhannon, W. Va., asks leave to
'amend. Mr. Manley reminds us that republican
leaders told us that tho tariff was not a tax; they
then told us that it was a tax, but that tho
foreigner paid it; then they said, in effect, that
the tariff was a tax but the consumer paid it;
but their argument was that the tax made things
cheaper. Mr. Manley says: "Thoy told us as
late as 1900 that there was no such thing as
a trust in the United States save the ice trust
in New York, when we all knew that there was
a beef trust, a tobacco trust, an oil trust, a shoe
and leather trust, a hide trust, and manyothera
wo could mention. They would have us bellovo
that under republican rule the people have al
ways "been prosperous, but in answer to this I
enclose a clipping of an article printed several
years ago in the Now York World. But wo must
forget these things."
The late Thomas B. Reed after his retire
ment from the speakership delivered a speech in
New York in which ho said: "Another thing
which led this whole country Into the error of
1892 was the history of the last thirty years.
During all that time wo have been prosperous."
The World called this "cold, colossal and im
pudent falsification of history," and said that
it must have astonished those among liis hearers
whoso memories were more than one year long.
Then this Now York paper gave xdt. Reed these
Interesting reminders:
"The panic of 1873 under republican rule
and after twelve years of high tariff taxation,
was the most disastrous and tne period of
business depression for five years thereafter
was the most severe of any in our history.
It was officially estimate'd that 3,000,000
workingmen were out of employment. Bank
ruptcy was widespread. A tidal wave o
ruin and distress swept over the country.-
.. "From 1881 to 1886, under two republican
tariffs, there were labor strikes involving
22,304 establishments and 1,323,203 workmen.
Of these strikes 9,439 were ror an Increase
of wages and 4,344 against reductions of
wages.
"Mr. Reed's party tinkered the tariff in
1883. In that year there were 9,184 business
failures, involving $172,874,000. In 1884
there were 10,968 failures, involving $226,
343,000. In the next year, still under the
republican tariff and currency laws, there
was a general business depression. More
than 1,000,000 men were out of employment.
"In 1890 the McKinley bill was passed,
and there were 10,673 failures In that year,
and 12,394 -the next, with liabilities In each
year amounting to nearly $200,000,000. The
tariff was raised to nearly 50 per cent, but
wages either .stood still or declined, while the
prices of necessaries advanced. The protect
ed manufacturers kept, all their 'bonus' as
usual.
"Tramps and trusts, the twin products
of a monopolists' tariff, were practically
unknown in this country until we had en
dured uninterrupted republican rule for a
dozen years.
"The worst labor troubles, the bloodiest
riots, the most destructive strikes, the most
brutal lockouts ever known in any coun
try have occurred here under tho high
tariffs, bought, made and paid for by the
contributors of the republican campaign
funds."
But Mr. Manley reminds us that "we "must
forget all these things."
It will be admitted, we think, that the Amer
ican citizen must have a very active "forgettery"
in order to be thoroughly impressed with the
proud claims made by the average - republican
orator.
v
fcUo&Atf. jA(Mr&3nu!MTi MVS
.!- m fcwJMAfr&Ufc, .Mte a dttiii .JiH
