The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, October 21, 1904, Page 14, Image 14

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    SISpBSBi "iftwiwwp
The Commoner.
let this Machine do your
Washing Free.
Tlioro nro Motor Springs beneath tlio tub.
'Jhrse sprigs do nearly nil tho hard w6rk when
onco you stnrt thorn Kolrifj. And this washing inachlno
works as easy as a blcyclo nhool does.
lhoro aro slats on tho Insldo bottom ot tho tub.
'lhcso slots nctjvj paddles, to Bwlng tho wntor In
tho Bmo direction you rovolvo tho tub.
You throw tho sollod clothes Into tho tub first.
Then you throw cnouch water over tho clothes to float
Next you put tho heavy woodon covor on top of tho
clothes to anchor thorn, and to proas thorn down.
'J his covor has slats on Its lower sldo to, grip tho
clothes and hold them from turning: around when tho
tub turns.
Wow wo aro ready for nulclt and easy wachlnc
You grasp tho upright haudlo on tho sldo of tho
tub and, with It. you rovolvo tho tub ono-thlrd way
round, till It stilkos a motor spring.
This motor sprltig throws tho tub back till It strikes
tho othor motor spring, which In turn throws It back
on tho first motor-spring.
'iho machine, must havo a llttlo holp from you, at
every swing, but tho motor springs, and tho ball-boar-logs,
do practically all tho hard work,
You can sit In a rocking chair and do all that tho
washer requires of you. A child can run It easily full
of clothes.
When you rovolvo tho tub tao rinthos don't movo
But tho wntor moves llko a mhl raco through tho
clothes. '
'iho paddles on tho tub bottom drlvo tho soapy
water TI1IIOU011 and through tho clothes at every
swing of the tub. Hack and forth, In and out of every
fold, and throujrhjvory mesh in tho cloth, tho hot
soapy water runs llko a torrent. This 1b how It carries
away all tho dirt from tho clothes, In from six to ten
minutes by tho clock.
it drives tho dirt out through tho mc8ho3 of tho
fabrics WITHOUT ANY RUIUllNU.-wlthout auy
WKAU and TEAK from tho washboard.
It wl.l wash tho finest laco falrlc without breaking
a thread, or a button, and it will wash a heavy, dirty
carpet with equal oaso and rapidity. Ktben to twenty
Srments, or llvo largo bcd-Bheets, can bo washod at
ono tlmo with this 11)00" Washor.
A child can do thl3 In six to twelve minutes hotter
than any able washer-woman could do tho samo clothes
InTWIUlC tho tlmo, with throo times tho woar and tear
from tho washboard.
This la what wo SAY, now how do wo PltOVE It?
Wo send you our H000" Washor froo of chargo, on
a full month's trial, and wo ovon pay tho frolgbt out
of our own pockets.
No cash deposit Is asked, no notes, no contract,
no security.
You may uso tho washer four weeks at ouroipenso
if you find It wont wash as many clothoj In FOUR
hours as you can wash by hand In 1CIGHT hours you
send It back to tho railway station, that's all.
Hut, If, from a month's actual use, you nro con
vinced It saves HALF tho tlmo In washing, does tho
work bettor, and docs it twlco as easily as It could be
done by hand, you keep tho machine.
Then you mall ub 60 cents a woek till it is paid for.
llemombor that 50 cents Is part of what tho inn
chlno aaves you ovory wook on your own, or on a
wnshor-womnn's labor. Wo Intend that tho "1900"
Washer shall pay for Itself and thus cost you nothing.
You don't risk a cent from first to last, and you
don't buy It until you bavo had a full month's trial'
Could wo alford to pay freight on thousands 0;
these machines ovory month, If wo did not posltlvoly
KNOW they would do all wo claim for them? Can you
afford to to without a inachlno that will do yourwasIT.
lng In HALF '11112 TIME, with half , tho wear and tear
of the washboard, when you can havo that maohlno
for a month's froo trial and let It PAY FOH 1TSHLF?
This oiler may bo withdrawn at any tlmo It overcrowds
our factory.
Wrlte ustodat, whllo thooffor is still open, and
while you think oUt. Tho postago stamp is all you
risk. Wrlto mo personally on this biror, viz: It F.
Blobor, General Manager of "1900" Washer Company.
209 Henry bt, Ulnghaiupton, Now York,
Mir, Wectson's Letter
(Continued from page 13.J
Inevitable consequences. But even he
could not have foreseen tho extrava
gant usurpations which have become
tho everyday occurrdnco with us, the
drag-not injunction, the imprisonment
without trial by jury, the practical
abrogation of habeas corpus. A cor
poration which does not own a federal
judge or two, is as much behind the
times ad it would bo if it did not own
lawyers, lobbyists, newspapers, politi
cians and professional witnesses.
When our party wa3 first founded It
declared that "the necessaries of life
which the poor must have to live,,
should not be subjected to tariff ta"x;'
and that no man's industry should be
built up at tho expense of another."
Those principles are surely sound and
democratic. They are expressed in al
most tho exact words of Mr. Jefferson,
whose ideal was a system of national
taxation upon luxuries in which tho
poor man need not pay any tax at all.
Learned Democracy of Alexander Steph
ens. I learned what I know of the prin
ciples "of democracy at the feet of
Alexander H. Stephen. My home was
in his district, and I was ime of the
thousands of youn men who gathered
around him in his later years and
fought his battles against the demo
cratic bosses who sought to oust the
old sage from office. Time and again
he defied the democratic machine in
Georgia; time, and again they saved
the machine by throwing to him an
official nomination which he had not
sought. He spent his fortune and
made the last speeches of his glorious
life in the vain effort to inject some
Jefforsonian doctrine into the post
bellum democratic party.
Having learned what true democracy
was from Stephens and from the writ
ings of Jefferson, I am not willing to
change the creed at the dictation of
Belmont, Pat McCarren and Arthur
Measured by the old standards of
Jefferson, Jackson, Benton and Steph
ens, tho party which cails itself demo
cratic has no right to do so. It con
tains no democratic principles. It does
not seek to accomplish any democratic
purposo. It has no harmony of creed,
no unity of action, no common legis
lative object. Ono and all, they would
like to capturo the offices; beyond that,
they do not agree upon any earthly
In effect, the democratic party of to
day has no mission except to keep
the people divided, in order that the
corporations may have no substantial
opposition. The republican party is
one good horse; the democratic party
is another; sometimes the corporations
ride the ono, sometimes the other. In
either event, ttfey keep in the saddle.
Senator Johii T. Morgan of Alabama
is the nestor of the south in the United
States senate; and if anybody is com
petent to tell what modern republicans
and democrats are, it is this veteran
who has served his state so long in
the upper house of congress. In De
cember last, Senator Morgan declared
publicly, through the newspapers, that
tnere was no. practical difference be
tween the two old parties; that each
of them Tailed against the trusts dur
ing a campaign, and each became ser
vants of the trusts after the election.
He called one tho pot and the other
the kettle, for blackness.
Yet Senator Morgan has to submit to
tho humiliation of being carried along
obedient, helpless, filled with impot
ent rage Dy a lot of corporation
agents who havo captured the demo
cratic party and have prostituted it to
the service of the trusts.
Predicament of Gen. Wheeler
Consider the case of General Joseph
B. Wheeler, also. This grizzled sol
dier was a member of congress when
tho infamous Gorman tariff act came
back to the house to be voted on. Its
sell-out to the trusts was so palpable,
its slavish submission to corporation
greed was so brazenly apparent, that
General Wheeler made an elaborate
speech against the bill. He showed
how tho entire south had been dis
criminated against by an increase of
taxea upon those articles which she
bought, while at the same time those
products which she sold were put upon
the free list where they had to meet
the competition -of the world. Ho also
showed how tho very tools with which
the laboring man had to toil for his
daily bread were subjected to a higher
tax than had beer pu upon them by
the McKinley bill.. He also showed
how the trusts had beon favored, how
money wrould be taken from one class
to swell the fortunes of a more favored
class. He showed how tho farmer
would have to pay more under thq
democratic tariff than had been ex
pected under tho republican tariff on
various articles, which may be rea
sonably called necessaries.
General Wheeler'3 speech was a' ter
rible arraignment of Gorman's bill.
But as ho was about to take his seat
this question wa3 asked by Mr. Hop
kins: "I take it from tho gentleman's
remarks that he will vote against the
bill." The reply of General Whqeler
was prompt: "No, sir, I will vote for
it," and the grizzled warrior sat down
amid laughter.
Brave enough and intelligent enough
to understand and denounce the odious
law, he was not brave enough to defy
his party and do what his heart and his
conscience told him. was right.
To this pass has party tyranny
brought statesmen who groan under
the yoke, yet dare not refuse their
No Question that Wealth Is Concentrated
Nobody will question the statement
that by far the greater part of the
wealth of this country Is now owned
and controlled by corporations. Nor
will anyone doubt that they intend to
maintain the present legislation which
is so favorable to them.
Grant these premises and then go a
step further; nothing will better serve
to keep them in power and to main
tain their wealth and advantage than
the control of both "the great political
parties." As long as the corporations
own but one of these great parties
their system is in danger, for the rea
son that elections are uncertain, at
least the returns are. Even the as
tutest experts in finance may be lack
ing in the "instinct for popular move
ments." One who is always closeted
in luxurious quarters, to which only
the elect aro admitted, may come to
take his political knowledge from the
newspapers, solely and may thus find
himself dealing with an imaginary sit
uation before he knows it. .
Brazenly Plutocratic
To rely upon .one of "the two great
political parties" means possible de
feat and disaster. By obtaining con
trol of both, the element of risk is
eliminated. This is so obviously true
that I only state it as ,a basis for
further comment. In controlling only
one of "the two great political parties,"
the corporations might be willing to
let the fact bo more or less known.
Mark Hanna, for instance, did not
seem to care; nor did Quay. Both of
these republican managers took a business-like
view of the question and com
pelled the beneficiaries of class-legislation,
to put up the campaign fund nec
essary to perpetuate the system. They
knew what they wanted, were willing,
to pay for it, did pay for it, and got
It. Really no secret was made of the
way in which it was done. The cor
porations were plainly, bluntly told
that if they wanted to keep things just
as they were they must pay the price,
and they paid it.
Secrecy Necessary Now
But when it becomes tho better pol
icy to secure control of both tho two
great political parties' so that the
corporations will not be hurt in any
event, secrecy is necessary. There
must always be an ostensible party for
the people, a party pretending to be
democratic in principle. If the cor
porations were sen to bo in open, un
disputed control of both "the two
great political parties," there would be
No othor occupies ,so llttlo spaco,
Bits so firmly, has waist low can, en
closed solf-olllng gears, light bowl
without insldo parts. Tubulurs hold
nrASQnt wnrlrt'u ronnrH fnt- nlnnn eMm.
mlng and pcrfoct cream. Wrlto for
VUbUlUg JXl-440.
Tho Sharpies Co.
Chicago, III.
P. M. Sharpies
West Chester, Pa.
an immediate revolt of the democratic
masses. An open control of both the
two old parties would defeac its own
purpose. To make the scheme a suc
cess, secrecy and denial are absolutely
necessary. Positive, direct evidence,
therefore, could hardly ever be had.
But if such a deal has been made, and
both the old parties are in control of
tho corporations there ought to be cir
cumstantial evidence which would car
ry conviction to any sensible mind.
Supposo that the corporations had
determined to control both the old par
ties, and were in fact controlling them,
what would be the evidence of it?
(1) That somo of Ihe corporations
and trusts joined the republicans and
others the democrats.
(2) That both parties drew their
campaign funds from the trusts and
the corporations.
(3) That the platforms of the two
parties were made as much alike as
possible so much so that one of the
candidates on the national ticket ad
mitted J:hey were 'almost identical.'
(4) That the environment of the
candidates of the two parties was ex
actly the same.
(5) The political record which proved
that both the old parties had united to
defeat any measure of reform.
(6) Tho fact that the record showed
that both the old parties had united In
establishing, step by step, the system
as we now have it.
These proofs are all at hand. Any
well-informed citizen can see tho lacis
If he will. , .. ,
Accepts Norhlnatlon-Endorses P'a
I accept the nomination tendered me,
and endorse the platform upon wh en
it has been made. In this campa gn
when plutocracy has captured both tne
old parties It seemed an absolute ne
cessity that some one should erect , ti o
Standard of Jeffersonian dejnocraw.
Had no one made the effort to intuse
the spirit of resistance into the peo
, .mora nf nnathv and dis
pie, jluui mum jw" " - - ., rns0
content might havo rendered the case
hopeless. The leaders In 1908 Mw
would seek to rekindle the hopes or
the masses might have been met whu
the cry "Too Late!" iince
To the courage and the tatolllgg
of the voter, I appeal. If you u