SISpBSBi "iftwiwwp , nx fr. t 14 The Commoner. I let this Machine do your Washing Free. Tlioro nro Motor Springs beneath tlio tub. 'Jhrse sprigs do nearly nil tho hard w6rk when onco you stnrt thorn Kolrifj. And this washing inachlno works as easy as a blcyclo nhool does. lhoro aro slats on tho Insldo bottom ot tho tub. 'lhcso slots nctjvj paddles, to Bwlng tho wntor In tho Bmo direction you rovolvo tho tub. You throw tho sollod clothes Into tho tub first. Then you throw cnouch water over tho clothes to float them. Next you put tho heavy woodon covor on top of tho clothes to anchor thorn, and to proas thorn down. 'J his covor has slats on Its lower sldo to, grip tho clothes and hold them from turning: around when tho tub turns. Wow wo aro ready for nulclt and easy wachlnc You grasp tho upright haudlo on tho sldo of tho tub and, with It. you rovolvo tho tub ono-thlrd way round, till It stilkos a motor spring. This motor sprltig throws tho tub back till It strikes tho othor motor spring, which In turn throws It back on tho first motor-spring. 'iho machine, must havo a llttlo holp from you, at every swing, but tho motor springs, and tho ball-boar-logs, do practically all tho hard work, You can sit In a rocking chair and do all that tho washer requires of you. A child can run It easily full of clothes. When you rovolvo tho tub tao rinthos don't movo But tho wntor moves llko a mhl raco through tho clothes. ' 'iho paddles on tho tub bottom drlvo tho soapy water TI1IIOU011 and through tho clothes at every swing of the tub. Hack and forth, In and out of every fold, and throujrhjvory mesh in tho cloth, tho hot soapy water runs llko a torrent. This 1b how It carries away all tho dirt from tho clothes, In from six to ten minutes by tho clock. it drives tho dirt out through tho mc8ho3 of tho fabrics WITHOUT ANY RUIUllNU.-wlthout auy WKAU and TEAK from tho washboard. It wl.l wash tho finest laco falrlc without breaking a thread, or a button, and it will wash a heavy, dirty carpet with equal oaso and rapidity. Ktben to twenty Srments, or llvo largo bcd-Bheets, can bo washod at ono tlmo with this 11)00" Washor. A child can do thl3 In six to twelve minutes hotter than any able washer-woman could do tho samo clothes InTWIUlC tho tlmo, with throo times tho woar and tear from tho washboard. This la what wo SAY, now how do wo PltOVE It? Wo send you our H000" Washor froo of chargo, on a full month's trial, and wo ovon pay tho frolgbt out of our own pockets. No cash deposit Is asked, no notes, no contract, no security. You may uso tho washer four weeks at ouroipenso if you find It wont wash as many clothoj In FOUR hours as you can wash by hand In 1CIGHT hours you send It back to tho railway station, that's all. Hut, If, from a month's actual use, you nro con vinced It saves HALF tho tlmo In washing, does tho work bettor, and docs it twlco as easily as It could be done by hand, you keep tho machine. Then you mall ub 60 cents a woek till it is paid for. llemombor that 50 cents Is part of what tho inn chlno aaves you ovory wook on your own, or on a wnshor-womnn's labor. Wo Intend that tho "1900" Washer shall pay for Itself and thus cost you nothing. You don't risk a cent from first to last, and you don't buy It until you bavo had a full month's trial' Could wo alford to pay freight on thousands 0; these machines ovory month, If wo did not posltlvoly KNOW they would do all wo claim for them? Can you afford to to without a inachlno that will do yourwasIT. lng In HALF '11112 TIME, with half , tho wear and tear of the washboard, when you can havo that maohlno for a month's froo trial and let It PAY FOH 1TSHLF? This oiler may bo withdrawn at any tlmo It overcrowds our factory. Wrlte ustodat, whllo thooffor is still open, and while you think oUt. Tho postago stamp is all you risk. Wrlto mo personally on this biror, viz: It F. Blobor, General Manager of "1900" Washer Company. 209 Henry bt, Ulnghaiupton, Now York, Mir, Wectson's Letter (Continued from page 13.J Inevitable consequences. But even he could not have foreseen tho extrava gant usurpations which have become tho everyday occurrdnco with us, the drag-not injunction, the imprisonment without trial by jury, the practical abrogation of habeas corpus. A cor poration which does not own a federal judge or two, is as much behind the times ad it would bo if it did not own lawyers, lobbyists, newspapers, politi cians and professional witnesses. When our party wa3 first founded It declared that "the necessaries of life which the poor must have to live,, should not be subjected to tariff ta"x;' and that no man's industry should be built up at tho expense of another." Those principles are surely sound and democratic. They are expressed in al most tho exact words of Mr. Jefferson, whose ideal was a system of national taxation upon luxuries in which tho poor man need not pay any tax at all. Learned Democracy of Alexander Steph ens. I learned what I know of the prin ciples "of democracy at the feet of Alexander H. Stephen. My home was in his district, and I was ime of the thousands of youn men who gathered around him in his later years and fought his battles against the demo cratic bosses who sought to oust the old sage from office. Time and again he defied the democratic machine in Georgia; time, and again they saved the machine by throwing to him an official nomination which he had not sought. He spent his fortune and made the last speeches of his glorious life in the vain effort to inject some Jefforsonian doctrine into the post bellum democratic party. Having learned what true democracy was from Stephens and from the writ ings of Jefferson, I am not willing to change the creed at the dictation of Belmont, Pat McCarren and Arthur Gorman. Measured by the old standards of Jefferson, Jackson, Benton and Steph ens, tho party which cails itself demo cratic has no right to do so. It con tains no democratic principles. It does not seek to accomplish any democratic purposo. It has no harmony of creed, no unity of action, no common legis lative object. Ono and all, they would like to capturo the offices; beyond that, they do not agree upon any earthly subject In effect, the democratic party of to day has no mission except to keep the people divided, in order that the corporations may have no substantial opposition. The republican party is one good horse; the democratic party is another; sometimes the corporations ride the ono, sometimes the other. In either event, ttfey keep in the saddle. Senator Johii T. Morgan of Alabama is the nestor of the south in the United States senate; and if anybody is com petent to tell what modern republicans and democrats are, it is this veteran who has served his state so long in the upper house of congress. In De cember last, Senator Morgan declared publicly, through the newspapers, that tnere was no. practical difference be tween the two old parties; that each of them Tailed against the trusts dur ing a campaign, and each became ser vants of the trusts after the election. He called one tho pot and the other the kettle, for blackness. Yet Senator Morgan has to submit to tho humiliation of being carried along obedient, helpless, filled with impot ent rage Dy a lot of corporation agents who havo captured the demo cratic party and have prostituted it to the service of the trusts. Predicament of Gen. Wheeler Consider the case of General Joseph B. Wheeler, also. This grizzled sol dier was a member of congress when tho infamous Gorman tariff act came back to the house to be voted on. Its sell-out to the trusts was so palpable, its slavish submission to corporation greed was so brazenly apparent, that General Wheeler made an elaborate speech against the bill. He showed how tho entire south had been dis criminated against by an increase of taxea upon those articles which she VOLUME 4. NUMBER 40 bought, while at the same time those products which she sold were put upon the free list where they had to meet the competition -of the world. Ho also showed how tho very tools with which the laboring man had to toil for his daily bread were subjected to a higher tax than had beer pu upon them by the McKinley bill.. He also showed how the trusts had beon favored, how money wrould be taken from one class to swell the fortunes of a more favored class. He showed how tho farmer would have to pay more under thq democratic tariff than had been ex pected under tho republican tariff on various articles, which may be rea sonably called necessaries. General Wheeler'3 speech was a' ter rible arraignment of Gorman's bill. But as ho was about to take his seat this question wa3 asked by Mr. Hop kins: "I take it from tho gentleman's remarks that he will vote against the bill." The reply of General Whqeler was prompt: "No, sir, I will vote for it," and the grizzled warrior sat down amid laughter. Brave enough and intelligent enough to understand and denounce the odious law, he was not brave enough to defy his party and do what his heart and his conscience told him. was right. To this pass has party tyranny brought statesmen who groan under the yoke, yet dare not refuse their necks. No Question that Wealth Is Concentrated Nobody will question the statement that by far the greater part of the wealth of this country Is now owned and controlled by corporations. Nor will anyone doubt that they intend to maintain the present legislation which is so favorable to them. Grant these premises and then go a step further; nothing will better serve to keep them in power and to main tain their wealth and advantage than the control of both "the great political parties." As long as the corporations own but one of these great parties their system is in danger, for the rea son that elections are uncertain, at least the returns are. Even the as tutest experts in finance may be lack ing in the "instinct for popular move ments." One who is always closeted in luxurious quarters, to which only the elect aro admitted, may come to take his political knowledge from the newspapers, solely and may thus find himself dealing with an imaginary sit uation before he knows it. . Brazenly Plutocratic To rely upon .one of "the two great political parties" means possible de feat and disaster. By obtaining con trol of both, the element of risk is eliminated. This is so obviously true that I only state it as ,a basis for further comment. In controlling only one of "the two great political parties," the corporations might be willing to let the fact bo more or less known. Mark Hanna, for instance, did not seem to care; nor did Quay. Both of these republican managers took a business-like view of the question and com pelled the beneficiaries of class-legislation, to put up the campaign fund nec essary to perpetuate the system. They knew what they wanted, were willing, to pay for it, did pay for it, and got It. Really no secret was made of the way in which it was done. The cor porations were plainly, bluntly told that if they wanted to keep things just as they were they must pay the price, and they paid it. Secrecy Necessary Now But when it becomes tho better pol icy to secure control of both tho two great political parties' so that the corporations will not be hurt in any event, secrecy is necessary. There must always be an ostensible party for the people, a party pretending to be democratic in principle. If the cor porations were sen to bo in open, un disputed control of both "the two great political parties," there would be THE ONLY CONVENIENT KIND OTB 5M No othor occupies ,so llttlo spaco, Bits so firmly, has waist low can, en closed solf-olllng gears, light bowl without insldo parts. Tubulurs hold nrASQnt wnrlrt'u ronnrH fnt- nlnnn eMm. mlng and pcrfoct cream. Wrlto for VUbUlUg JXl-440. Tho Sharpies Co. Chicago, III. P. M. Sharpies West Chester, Pa. an immediate revolt of the democratic masses. An open control of both the two old parties would defeac its own purpose. To make the scheme a suc cess, secrecy and denial are absolutely necessary. Positive, direct evidence, therefore, could hardly ever be had. But if such a deal has been made, and both the old parties are in control of tho corporations there ought to be cir cumstantial evidence which would car ry conviction to any sensible mind. Supposo that the corporations had determined to control both the old par ties, and were in fact controlling them, what would be the evidence of it? (1) That somo of Ihe corporations and trusts joined the republicans and others the democrats. (2) That both parties drew their campaign funds from the trusts and the corporations. (3) That the platforms of the two parties were made as much alike as possible so much so that one of the candidates on the national ticket ad mitted J:hey were 'almost identical.' (4) That the environment of the candidates of the two parties was ex actly the same. (5) The political record which proved that both the old parties had united to defeat any measure of reform. (6) Tho fact that the record showed that both the old parties had united In establishing, step by step, the system as we now have it. These proofs are all at hand. Any well-informed citizen can see tho lacis If he will. , .. , Accepts Norhlnatlon-Endorses P'a I accept the nomination tendered me, and endorse the platform upon wh en it has been made. In this campa gn when plutocracy has captured both tne old parties It seemed an absolute ne cessity that some one should erect , ti o Standard of Jeffersonian dejnocraw. Had no one made the effort to intuse the spirit of resistance into the peo , .mora nf nnathv and dis pie, jluui mum jw" " - - ., rns0 content might havo rendered the case hopeless. The leaders In 1908 Mw would seek to rekindle the hopes or the masses might have been met whu the cry "Too Late!" iince To the courage and the tatolllgg of the voter, I appeal. If you u EsS