The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, August 12, 1904, Page 2, Image 2

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one-fourth in charge as- the regular convention.
Thoy hoped for roll calls. They know that when
ovor they could get a roll call they could assert
their rights. They had only this ono roll call,
and when the convention was over these mon had
to submit to the disfranchisement of a majority
of the democratic voters of Illinois, or they had
to bring their protest to this convention.
So this petition was signed, and these men,
eight hundred and seventy-two, ask this conven
tion to scat the men who have the right to seats
fjrom. the districts as shown by the evidence?
Thoy do not ask you to scat any' one man They
do not ask you to seat any set or men. They do
not ask you to seat Hearst men, or Parker men,
or anybody's men They ask you to seat the'
choice of the democrats, no matter for whom they
may bo. (Applause.)
That convention was so openly, so notqrlously
a gag-ruled and gang-run convention that two of
the men who had been out and had made a canvas
in the state for governor, refused to be candidates
before that convention. I honor Judge Prentiss
of, Chicago, and Mayor Crolius of Joliet, (Ap
plauso) who refused to be candidates before that
convention, and if Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Cablo
had any respect for the right of a majority to
rulo, they would be ashamed to be here, tthe rep
resentatives of a minority of that convention.
(Applause.) But, my friends, if thoy have not
learned to be ashamed to misrepresent a great
state, you ought to teach them that they can not
do It witli the approval Of the democraitlc party
of the United Sta'.es. (Applause.)
Now their sin rests upon them; you do not
bear it. But if you decide to seat these men,
these dologates from the districts, against the
evidence presonted in behalf of the contestants
from the districts; if you decide to seat these twQ
national delegates, in spite of the protests of eight
hundred and seventy-one members, then you en
dorse their conduct; you take from the shoulders
of Hopkins and Quinn and Cable the odium that
thoy ought to bear, and put it upon the democratic
party of tho nation. (Applause.)
You have not this condition in other states
today, but let this convention endorse this con
duct, and the next national convention will see
more than one state here with delegates chosen
rs the result of gavel rule. And it is because this
question transcends in importance the interest
of any state or any candidate 'or any faction that
I am hero to present the minority report and to
ask you to do to tho democrats of Illinois that
justice which this gang deliberately and insolently
denied them. (Applause.)
(Mr. Menztes of Indiana and Mr. Quinn of
Illinois spoko for contestees.)
Mr. "William Jenning Bryan of Nebraska: Mr.
The Temporary Chairman: Tho gentleman
from Nebraska is recognized for ten minutes.
Mr. Bryan: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gen
tlemen: The first speaker (Mr. Menzies) said that
I had not heard tho evidence. I stayed in the
Bub-committee of the national committee and
heard evidence until nearly 3 o'clock In the morn
ing (applause), and I heard more evidence than
the gentloman who talked to you ana wno ques
tioned my knowledge of this case. (Applause.)
More than that, I have examined affidavits; I
have examined petitions; I have examined pro
tests, and I know ten times as much about the
facts of this case as the gentloman who denied my
right to speak in this case. (Applause.)
The gentleman desires to make use of the
report of the national committee. The national
committee referred this case to the credentials
committee on tho ground that tho national com
mittee did not have time or authority to investi
gate tho merits, and in doing so, by unanimous
rote said '-in some congressional districts there
was evidence to show that questionable methods
prevailed; in some it appears that delegates se
lected by district caucuses were replaced by per
sons who had not been selected by the delegates
from tho districts ,and in some Instances it was
at least doubtful whether .the substitutions were
properly made.' That was the unanimous report
Of your national committee after listening nine
hours to the testimony. (Applause.)
And now this committee considers the case
for two hours, does not take any evidence, but
only hears arguments, and then reports that there
was no fraud and that you ought to seat these
- Mr, Quinn the chapman of tho Illinois con
vention, says that he was unanimously re-elected
fiyo hours after ho began 'his gavel rule. Yes my
friends, everything done in that convention ' was
unanimous, (Applausci) It was unanimous if
you do not believe it,4read the sworn testimony
The Commoner.
of the highwaymen who raided the convention.
Tho gentleman says that he is not a man who
bolts or who waits until after tho convention to
decide, but he is the man who with gavel rule
tries to force upon the loyal democrats of his
state two men who supported Palmer and Buckner
in 1896. (Applause.)
These two men who seek seats in this con
vention against tho protests of eight hundred and
seventy-two delegates were the men who kept the
path hot between ithe Palmes and Buqkner head
quarters and republican, headquar.tersf When the
hundreds of thousands of democrats of (Illinois
were marching up to support tne ticket. (Ap
plause.) -
Mr. Quinn asks, "Where does tho protest
against John . P. Hopkins come from." and he
wanted me to answer lit. I will answer it. It
comes from eight" hundred and seventytwo bet
ter democrats than John P. Hopkins, - ever was.
(Applause.) Iam willing that the men who left
us shall come back and share with the .party in the
shaping of its destiny; but God forbid that the
loyal democrats of Illinois shall by force and
intimiuation pe maue o maron oeneam uie bumbu
banner of these men. (Applause.)
Jlr. Roosevelt's Threat.
. 1 1 ,
In' President Roosevelt's speecn of accept
ance there is one paragraph that Is attracting at
tention. He says: "Three years ago I" became
president because of the death of my lamented
predecessor. I then stated that it was my purpose
to carry out his principles and policies for the
honor and interest of the country. To the 'best
of my ability I have kept the promise thus made.
If next November my countrymen confirm at the
polis the action of the convention you represent I
shall under Providence continue to woik with an
eye single to the welfare of all our people." It will
be seen that he does not now promise to carry out
the principles and policies of his predecessor but
feels at liberty to map out a policy of his own.
This may be construed as a threat to run things
according to his own views hereafter regardless
of the principles and policies of his predecessor. If
so, why does he not outline a policy? To be sure
he is going to stand by the high tariff, but that
was to be expected. No well informed man expects
the republican party to reform the tariff. It is
powerless to resist the demands of the manufac
turers who every four years submit themselves to
the fat-frying process and scare their employes
with the threat of reduced wages. But on tho
trust question what is the president going to
do? The republican platform is so general and
non-commital that the president is free to do most
anything or nothing. ' Will ho enforce the crim
inal law against trust magnates? Will he propose
new and efficient remedies? He ought to take the
people into his confidence and give some intima
tion of his policy. Judged by his past he will do
nothing to harm the monopolists, but then he was
carrying out the policy of his predecessor. What
will his policy be? And the laboring men, where
do they come in? Is he for them or against them?
On imperialism and militarism ne goes beyond
his predecessor and on the race question he is
quite different from Mr. McKinley, but on econ
omic questions some expect him to become a
reformer. He has shown no reform symptoms
thus far. No one who is afraid to speak out
during the campaign is likely to ne courageous
after the election, but there are some Who hope
and these find, or profess to find, encouragement
in the words above quoted.
Shall They Rule or Be Ruled?
Governor LaFollette of Wisconsin delivered
an address July lfr, 1203, at Chautauqua, N. Y., on
the subject "Representative government." Al
thought Governor LaFollette has not so far de
clared himself in favor of government ownership
of railroads, what he said on that occasion and
the things he .has since said would lead ono to
believe that tho time will come when the Wiscon
sin governor will be in the forefront of those who
aro battling, for one of the most important re
forjns in the history of government.
Asserting. that' the people are rapidly losing
S5S? w, Wn Svernient, Governor La
Follette pointed out tha.t the New York legisla
tive investigation of the Erie railway disqlosed"m?r hai WM00 was spent in one year
fo Si? ilef services" and that money paid
to political bosses was charged to "the India
rubber account.' He also showed that more re
gS"? ,the treasurer of tho New York Central
SfiW Tm,P?n7 te-stified tlia Ma company had
paid for legislation in one yqar ?60,000 and in
another year $205,000. .He also quoted fro fife
correspondence which passed Between tho i
C. P. Huntington nd General Colton In SeiSi
to the payment of money for the passace 2
legislative measures and for the control of en!
gressmen. In Tone of the letters from Mr Hunt
ington, that great railroad magnate used thin
language: "It is very -important that his frionS
in Washington should be with us, and if tZ
should be brought , about by paying Carr Sfv
$10,000 to $20,000 a. year, I think we could afford
to do it, but of course not "until he had controiioS
his friends." ' - - Heu
Having, made this showing, Governor La
Follette said; V.'If there rwere no further evidences
of the power of the railroads in legislation than
that which is afforded by the statements from tho
reqord of the interstate qommerce commission
it ought to arouse the entire country to such
action ds will bring- congress to a sense of its
responsibility to the people for some measure of
justice and fair play."
The, goyennpr added :lV "The' gravest danger
menacing republican .institutions today is the
overbalancing control o city, state and national
legislatives b,y 4he .wealth and power of public
service corporations."
In another portion of his speech Governor
LaFollette read a, letter bearing upon the action
of the last congress. ' This letter was written to
him by a United States senator under date of
February 9, 1903. In 'this' letter this senator wrote:
It is expecting too much from human na
ture that senators, whose every association is
with the great railroad corporations and
whose political liyes largely depend upon
them," should, in good, .faith, make the rail
roads a servant of the people and to be sub
ject to the decision of the commission when
a question of rates is raised. The senate com
mittee is by a decided majority men who bear
' those relations to the railroads.
Well did Governor LaFollette say that the
problem presented is a momentous one, that
it asks for no appeal to passion or prejudice or
fear, but calls rather for .courage and patriotism
and self-sacriiice and calls sternly for solution.
Governor LaFollette said: "Shall the Amer
ican people become servants instead of masters
of their boasted material progress and prosperity,
victims of the colossal wealth,-this free land has
fostered and protected? Surely our great cities,
our great states, our great nation, will not help
lessly surrender to this most insidious enemy
which is everywhere undermining official integrity
and American institutions. Surely, we shall not
permit this government to abandon its traditions,
it memories its hopes, and become the instrument
of injustice and oppression. Surely, the Ameri
can people will do their plain duty now as they
did in the greatest epoch of this country's his
tory. Surely, we shall meet the issues presented
with rectitude and unfaltering devotion, strong in
the faith of ultimate triumph."
The Commoner is convinced that the only
way to avoid a surrender to the insiduous enemy
which is undermining official integrity and cor
rupting political conventions is government own
ership jof railroads.
Ex-Governor Pattison Dead.
The death of ex-Governor Robert B. Pattison
of Pennsylyania, is not only a loss to the party but
a shock to those who attended the late demo
cratic convention, and especially to those who
served with him on the resolutions committee. He
was present at the all-night session or the com
mittee and while not in the best of -health he did
not appear to suffer more than the other members.
It seems that he fell a victim to pneumonia ana
died on August 1. He has had a phenomlnai
record of success. Twice he overcome the repuDii
can majority and was elected governor ot ms
state and twice he overcame the enormous renuu
lican majority Tn Philadelphia. As a member Qi
the Pacific railroad commission he presented a
minority report that showed both his moral cour
age and Ms sympathy with the people. He jw
a valuable man in the councils of his party aw
his place will be hard to fill.
State Ownership of Railroads.
The auction of state ownership of faiJr
as distinguished -from federal ownership, is fles"
ing of 'serious consideration, It would not on y
avoid the' centralization which would nMo"'
accompany federal ownership but it wouia "
ally strengthen the states' position. " u
also hasten the introduction of the systeJ"' buy
under state, .ownership any st,ate desiring to
or build a.rpad coiild do so,vWhllo; under federal