: f 5? 4L I cv IK IP I V I z v 2 one-fourth in charge as- the regular convention. Thoy hoped for roll calls. They know that when ovor they could get a roll call they could assert their rights. They had only this ono roll call, and when the convention was over these mon had to submit to the disfranchisement of a majority of the democratic voters of Illinois, or they had to bring their protest to this convention. So this petition was signed, and these men, eight hundred and seventy-two, ask this conven tion to scat the men who have the right to seats fjrom. the districts as shown by the evidence? Thoy do not ask you to scat any' one man They do not ask you to seat any set or men. They do not ask you to seat Hearst men, or Parker men, or anybody's men They ask you to seat the' choice of the democrats, no matter for whom they may bo. (Applause.) That convention was so openly, so notqrlously a gag-ruled and gang-run convention that two of the men who had been out and had made a canvas in the state for governor, refused to be candidates before that convention. I honor Judge Prentiss of, Chicago, and Mayor Crolius of Joliet, (Ap plauso) who refused to be candidates before that convention, and if Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Cablo had any respect for the right of a majority to rulo, they would be ashamed to be here, tthe rep resentatives of a minority of that convention. (Applause.) But, my friends, if thoy have not learned to be ashamed to misrepresent a great state, you ought to teach them that they can not do It witli the approval Of the democraitlc party of the United Sta'.es. (Applause.) Now their sin rests upon them; you do not bear it. But if you decide to seat these men, these dologates from the districts, against the evidence presonted in behalf of the contestants from the districts; if you decide to seat these twQ national delegates, in spite of the protests of eight hundred and seventy-one members, then you en dorse their conduct; you take from the shoulders of Hopkins and Quinn and Cable the odium that thoy ought to bear, and put it upon the democratic party of tho nation. (Applause.) You have not this condition in other states today, but let this convention endorse this con duct, and the next national convention will see more than one state here with delegates chosen rs the result of gavel rule. And it is because this question transcends in importance the interest of any state or any candidate 'or any faction that I am hero to present the minority report and to ask you to do to tho democrats of Illinois that justice which this gang deliberately and insolently denied them. (Applause.) (Mr. Menztes of Indiana and Mr. Quinn of Illinois spoko for contestees.) SECOND SPEECH. Mr. "William Jenning Bryan of Nebraska: Mr. Chairman The Temporary Chairman: Tho gentleman from Nebraska is recognized for ten minutes. Mr. Bryan: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gen tlemen: The first speaker (Mr. Menzies) said that I had not heard tho evidence. I stayed in the Bub-committee of the national committee and heard evidence until nearly 3 o'clock In the morn ing (applause), and I heard more evidence than the gentloman who talked to you ana wno ques tioned my knowledge of this case. (Applause.) More than that, I have examined affidavits; I have examined petitions; I have examined pro tests, and I know ten times as much about the facts of this case as the gentloman who denied my right to speak in this case. (Applause.) The gentleman desires to make use of the report of the national committee. The national committee referred this case to the credentials committee on tho ground that tho national com mittee did not have time or authority to investi gate tho merits, and in doing so, by unanimous rote said '-in some congressional districts there was evidence to show that questionable methods prevailed; in some it appears that delegates se lected by district caucuses were replaced by per sons who had not been selected by the delegates from tho districts ,and in some Instances it was at least doubtful whether .the substitutions were properly made.' That was the unanimous report Of your national committee after listening nine hours to the testimony. (Applause.) And now this committee considers the case for two hours, does not take any evidence, but only hears arguments, and then reports that there was no fraud and that you ought to seat these contestees. - Mr, Quinn the chapman of tho Illinois con vention, says that he was unanimously re-elected fiyo hours after ho began 'his gavel rule. Yes my friends, everything done in that convention ' was unanimous, (Applausci) It was unanimous if you do not believe it,4read the sworn testimony The Commoner. of the highwaymen who raided the convention. Tho gentleman says that he is not a man who bolts or who waits until after tho convention to decide, but he is the man who with gavel rule tries to force upon the loyal democrats of his state two men who supported Palmer and Buckner in 1896. (Applause.) These two men who seek seats in this con vention against tho protests of eight hundred and seventy-two delegates were the men who kept the path hot between ithe Palmes and Buqkner head quarters and republican, headquar.tersf When the hundreds of thousands of democrats of (Illinois were marching up to support tne ticket. (Ap plause.) - Mr. Quinn asks, "Where does tho protest against John . P. Hopkins come from." and he wanted me to answer lit. I will answer it. It comes from eight" hundred and seventytwo bet ter democrats than John P. Hopkins, - ever was. (Applause.) Iam willing that the men who left us shall come back and share with the .party in the shaping of its destiny; but God forbid that the loyal democrats of Illinois shall by force and intimiuation pe maue o maron oeneam uie bumbu banner of these men. (Applause.) JJJ VOLUME 4, NUMBER 30, -t Jlr. Roosevelt's Threat. . 1 1 , In' President Roosevelt's speecn of accept ance there is one paragraph that Is attracting at tention. He says: "Three years ago I" became president because of the death of my lamented predecessor. I then stated that it was my purpose to carry out his principles and policies for the honor and interest of the country. To the 'best of my ability I have kept the promise thus made. If next November my countrymen confirm at the polis the action of the convention you represent I shall under Providence continue to woik with an eye single to the welfare of all our people." It will be seen that he does not now promise to carry out the principles and policies of his predecessor but feels at liberty to map out a policy of his own. This may be construed as a threat to run things according to his own views hereafter regardless of the principles and policies of his predecessor. If so, why does he not outline a policy? To be sure he is going to stand by the high tariff, but that was to be expected. No well informed man expects the republican party to reform the tariff. It is powerless to resist the demands of the manufac turers who every four years submit themselves to the fat-frying process and scare their employes with the threat of reduced wages. But on tho trust question what is the president going to do? The republican platform is so general and non-commital that the president is free to do most anything or nothing. ' Will ho enforce the crim inal law against trust magnates? Will he propose new and efficient remedies? He ought to take the people into his confidence and give some intima tion of his policy. Judged by his past he will do nothing to harm the monopolists, but then he was carrying out the policy of his predecessor. What will his policy be? And the laboring men, where do they come in? Is he for them or against them? On imperialism and militarism ne goes beyond his predecessor and on the race question he is quite different from Mr. McKinley, but on econ omic questions some expect him to become a reformer. He has shown no reform symptoms thus far. No one who is afraid to speak out during the campaign is likely to ne courageous after the election, but there are some Who hope and these find, or profess to find, encouragement in the words above quoted. JJJ Shall They Rule or Be Ruled? Governor LaFollette of Wisconsin delivered an address July lfr, 1203, at Chautauqua, N. Y., on the subject "Representative government." Al thought Governor LaFollette has not so far de clared himself in favor of government ownership of railroads, what he said on that occasion and the things he .has since said would lead ono to believe that tho time will come when the Wiscon sin governor will be in the forefront of those who aro battling, for one of the most important re forjns in the history of government. Asserting. that' the people are rapidly losing S5S? w, Wn Svernient, Governor La Follette pointed out tha.t the New York legisla tive investigation of the Erie railway disqlosed S.at"m?r hai WM00 was spent in one year fo Si? ilef services" and that money paid to political bosses was charged to "the India rubber account.' He also showed that more re gS"? ,the treasurer of tho New York Central SfiW Tm,P?n7 te-stified tlia Ma company had paid for legislation in one yqar ?60,000 and in another year $205,000. .He also quoted fro fife correspondence which passed Between tho i C. P. Huntington nd General Colton In SeiSi to the payment of money for the passace 2 legislative measures and for the control of en! gressmen. In Tone of the letters from Mr Hunt ington, that great railroad magnate used thin language: "It is very -important that his frionS in Washington should be with us, and if tZ should be brought , about by paying Carr Sfv $10,000 to $20,000 a. year, I think we could afford to do it, but of course not "until he had controiioS his friends." ' - - Heu Having, made this showing, Governor La Follette said; V.'If there rwere no further evidences of the power of the railroads in legislation than that which is afforded by the statements from tho reqord of the interstate qommerce commission it ought to arouse the entire country to such action ds will bring- congress to a sense of its responsibility to the people for some measure of justice and fair play." The, goyennpr added :lV "The' gravest danger menacing republican .institutions today is the overbalancing control o city, state and national legislatives b,y 4he .wealth and power of public service corporations." In another portion of his speech Governor LaFollette read a, letter bearing upon the action of the last congress. ' This letter was written to him by a United States senator under date of February 9, 1903. In 'this' letter this senator wrote: It is expecting too much from human na ture that senators, whose every association is with the great railroad corporations and whose political liyes largely depend upon them," should, in good, .faith, make the rail roads a servant of the people and to be sub ject to the decision of the commission when a question of rates is raised. The senate com mittee is by a decided majority men who bear ' those relations to the railroads. Well did Governor LaFollette say that the problem presented is a momentous one, that it asks for no appeal to passion or prejudice or fear, but calls rather for .courage and patriotism and self-sacriiice and calls sternly for solution. Governor LaFollette said: "Shall the Amer ican people become servants instead of masters of their boasted material progress and prosperity, victims of the colossal wealth,-this free land has fostered and protected? Surely our great cities, our great states, our great nation, will not help lessly surrender to this most insidious enemy which is everywhere undermining official integrity and American institutions. Surely, we shall not permit this government to abandon its traditions, it memories its hopes, and become the instrument of injustice and oppression. Surely, the Ameri can people will do their plain duty now as they did in the greatest epoch of this country's his tory. Surely, we shall meet the issues presented with rectitude and unfaltering devotion, strong in the faith of ultimate triumph." The Commoner is convinced that the only way to avoid a surrender to the insiduous enemy which is undermining official integrity and cor rupting political conventions is government own ership jof railroads. JJJ Ex-Governor Pattison Dead. The death of ex-Governor Robert B. Pattison of Pennsylyania, is not only a loss to the party but a shock to those who attended the late demo cratic convention, and especially to those who served with him on the resolutions committee. He was present at the all-night session or the com mittee and while not in the best of -health he did not appear to suffer more than the other members. It seems that he fell a victim to pneumonia ana died on August 1. He has had a phenomlnai record of success. Twice he overcome the repuDii can majority and was elected governor ot ms state and twice he overcame the enormous renuu lican majority Tn Philadelphia. As a member Qi the Pacific railroad commission he presented a minority report that showed both his moral cour age and Ms sympathy with the people. He jw a valuable man in the councils of his party aw his place will be hard to fill. JJJ State Ownership of Railroads. The auction of state ownership of faiJr as distinguished -from federal ownership, is fles" ing of 'serious consideration, It would not on y avoid the' centralization which would nMo"' accompany federal ownership but it wouia " ally strengthen the states' position. " u also hasten the introduction of the systeJ"' buy under state, .ownership any st,ate desiring to or build a.rpad coiild do so,vWhllo; under federal