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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 13, 1904)
rm .Vrw.-ny-- Vr m- 'M -ft-nr v. "irtf ' ner Mi. WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. Commo 1 fIG Vol. 4. No.' 17. Lincoln, Nebraska, May 13, ipo4. Whole No. 173. Judge Reagan's Letter and the Answer Below will be found a letter written by Judge Reagan of Texas to Mr. Bryan and Mr. Bryan's reply. The letters explain themselves. Many loyal democrats have been deceived by the adroit appeals made for harmony by the reorganizes, and the editor of The Commoner regrets that these arguments have had an influence upon Judge Reagan. He is one of the noblest specimens of American democracy, and it is unfortunate that his influence should 'be thrown unwltlngly upon the side of those who are seeking to deceive the voters of America. The Commoner has more faith in Judge Reagan than have the reorganizes, who are making use of his letter. If the reorganizes will nominate Judge Keagan without any piatrorm at all, Mr. Bryan and those who believe like him will enthusiastically support him, but that is not their purpose. Judge Reagan being an advocate of genuine democracy and a sincere friend of the people, his candidacy would be as objection able to the reorganlzers as was the candidate of 189G and 1900. But to the letters: JUDGE REAGAN'S LETTER. Palestine, Texas, April 25, 1904. Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska. Dear Sir: Your letter of the 22nd instant is received. I send a postal money order for one dollar to renew my subscription to The Com moner. I generally read it before any other papers which come by the same mall. In your public converses, and through The Commoner you have done a great work in the interest of good government and of the American people; and I have often said that, while I might not approve your views in every thing, I regarded you as one of the ablest statesmen, and best democrats and as the truest man to the interests of the people among all our political men. And if I could name the president of the United States it would be Wm. J. Bryan. I think you will know that I could, not de scend to unmerited flattery. And I make the above statement in order that you may not mis understand what I am going to add. If I were asked what I regard as the most serious menace to our constitutional system of government and to the rights and liberty of the American peoplo f would say: 1. The disregard of President Roosevelt for the constitution and for political morality, his selfish and reckless partisanship, and his failure to enforce the criminal law against trusts and monopolies, 2. The policy of the republican party, in substituting the will of a popular majority of the people of the union for the provisions and limi tations of the constitution of the United States, and its class and monopoly legislation, including a high protective tariff, the trusts and the mo nopolies fostered by it, and the notorious political corruption which has grown out or its policy. If I were asked for a remedy for these dan gers I would say the defeat of Roosevelt for the presidency, the reversal of republican policies, and the restoration of constitutional, honest and econ omic government If I am asked how this is to be done, I .would say: By the adoption by the national democratic convention when it meets of a piatrorm covering the recognized cardinal principles of the party, alnd leaving questions of differences of opinions among democrats to be settled within the party after it shall have gotten the control of the gov ernment, uniting the whole strength of the party for this purpose, and offering this Inducement to the floating vote of the country and to dissatls fledJjPubiicans. This plan would open the whole field,' for. political discussion; and it seems to me offers' the only possible chance for the success of tho democratic party in the coming national election. If we go into the contest with contesting factions in the party, defeat is inevitable; and the practices of Roosevelt, and the policies of tho republican party will have four years more in which to become crystallized; and that would bo tho end of constitutional government, and tho enthronement in its stead of a government of classes, money, corporations and trusts. I believe as earnestly as you do In tho great body of tho doctrines you havo been ad vocating, but I am not so afraid of the limited number of democrats who oppose those policies as to be afraid to go into a convention with them. Surely six million democrats need not bo afraid of three hundred thousand. While three hundred thousand may not be able to elect a president, they with the influences they can command can surely defeat the election of any one on a plat form antagonizing their views. With me it is not a question of whether we can defeat and punish any faction in the demo cratic party; but whether we shall, by uniting all democrats secure an election which will re store tho constitution, good government, and the best interests of the people of this great Re public. - You will understand that I do not write as an interested politician. My political race has been run. I am now eighty-live years of age. I have no political honors to expect or to desire. But I love my country and hope for a restoration of the constitution and for the peaco, prosperity and' equal rights of all. Very respectfully, ,r JOHN H. REAGAN. fTr- P. S. As your letter to mo is in part on political questions, I hope it will not be dis pleasing to you for me to give It to tbe Houston Post '' MR. BRYAN'S REPLY. Lincoln, Neb., May 5, 1904. Hon. John H. Reagan, Palestine, Texas. My Dear Mr. Reagan: I am Just In receipt of your favor of April 25th and hasten to reply. Your well-earned prominence in public life, your con spicuous service to your party and to your coun try, and the cordial goodwill which you have manifested toward me, all combine to give me an interest in what you say, and it would be a genuine pleasure to me if I could adopt the con clusion which you have reached. The fact that I differ from one whose sincerity I can not doubt and whose ripened wisdom gives value- to his words, makes it incumbent upon me to present for your consideration the reasons which lead me to take the position that I do. I fully- agree with you as to the dangerous tendency of republican policies as exemplified in both the legislative and executive departments of the government, and I may add, as exemplified in the judicial department as well. I also agree with you that President Roosevelt represents those policies in their most aggravated form. His imperialistic ideas and his imperialistic methods, his refusal to enforce the law against Sen of great wealth who conspire against their country and its statutes, his subserviency to Wall street and his willingness to mortgage his ad wirnHnn to the great corporations In order Ws defeat in the coming election. might add what you have omitted-namely, that to his n&lr offices he has added a grave one in that stltutlonal foundations. But how shall this be dono? What courso offors tho most reasonable hopo of success? If tho party was narmonlous and united in its general purposo, if those who call themselves democrats were ono in aim and purposo, a general platform might bo sunlciont, providing of courso tho candidate was trust worthy. But wo can not ignore existing condi tions. In two national campaigns tho party has tried to accomplish tho very things that you commend, but Its high purposo has been thwart ed not so much by republicans as by men who havo taken upon themselves tho name Jlf democracy- without accepting its principles. Tho men who havo twico defeated the democratic party by joining with tho republicans aro now scoking to demoralize tho party from withln. These aro tho men who threaten to continue tltefr "assaults upon tho democratic party, and their support of tho republican ticket, unless our party renounces Ita allegiance to tho people and becomes tho cham pion of organized wealth. The issuo between democracy and plutocracy is clearly defineJ, and tho democratic party must be on ono side or tho other it can not occupy a neutral posrcion or play fastand loose with tho people. (You suggest that a platform be written cov ering tho "recognized cardinal principles of the " party and leaving questions of differences of opin ion among democrats to be settled within the party after it shall havo gotten control of the government." Tho trouble Is that It is Impossible to secure a statement of principles that is satis factory. Becauso I recognizo tho force of this ap peal to party pride and loyalty I havo from time to time endeavored to secure from the leaders of the reorganizing movement somo suggestion as o what they regard as cardinal democratic princi ples. -Mr. Cleveland, who talks in a ponderous way about the party's return to "sanity," carefully avoids any statement of principles. Tho sub sidized papers that have attempted to assassinate the political character of every loyal democrat, refuse" to suggest a platform. We have had to wait for the conventions to bo held, and these conventions when controlled by tno reorganizes have thrown no more light upon tho subject. You have read the New York platform and know that a republican could run upon It and after the elec tion follow in the footsteps of President Roose velt. In so far as it says anything at all, It de fends rather than antagonizes tho trusts. The platform adopted In Massachusetts Is even lesa specific, and the Now Jersey and Pennsylvania platforms are not much more clear. From the conduct of those who are In charge of the cam paign of the reorganlzers wo must conclude that they either havo no well defined political prin ciples to present, or that they are afraid to let their views bo known If wo were sure of securing a candidate whose opinions were known to be right and whose rec ord would be a guide to tho voters, wo might possibly get along without any platform at allr although that would be a confession of hopele disagreement But the most prominent candidate among the reorganlzers is Judge Parker whose position on public questions is wholly unknown but whose attitude can bo surmised from the company he keeps. Mr. Hill is the manager of the Parker boom, and August Belmont is it financial representative. When Mr. Hill wag in the senate he opposed the inepme tax and went oven farther In defending the insolent demand of Wall street than Mr. Cleveland did. Mr, Bel mont is as noted for his apostacy from democratle principles as for his connection with the Roths childs. The New York Parker club has published a list of the supporters of their candidate fot the purpose of showing that he will be accept able to tho "conservatives," and August Bel mont's name appears first in the list, with Mr. Hill's second. Mr. Benedict, who exerted such i l' V tft4ai aro , 5ISE22i2E3