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WILLIAM J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Commo
1 fIG
Vol. 4. No.' 17.
Lincoln, Nebraska, May 13, ipo4.
Whole No. 173.
Judge Reagan's Letter and the Answer
Below will be found a letter written by Judge
Reagan of Texas to Mr. Bryan and Mr. Bryan's
reply. The letters explain themselves. Many
loyal democrats have been deceived by the adroit
appeals made for harmony by the reorganizes,
and the editor of The Commoner regrets that
these arguments have had an influence upon Judge
Reagan. He is one of the noblest specimens of
American democracy, and it is unfortunate that
his influence should 'be thrown unwltlngly upon
the side of those who are seeking to deceive
the voters of America.
The Commoner has more faith in Judge
Reagan than have the reorganizes, who are
making use of his letter. If the reorganizes will
nominate Judge Keagan without any piatrorm at
all, Mr. Bryan and those who believe like him
will enthusiastically support him, but that is not
their purpose. Judge Reagan being an advocate
of genuine democracy and a sincere friend of
the people, his candidacy would be as objection
able to the reorganlzers as was the candidate of
189G and 1900. But to the letters:
JUDGE REAGAN'S LETTER.
Palestine, Texas, April 25, 1904.
Hon. Wm. J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nebraska.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 22nd instant is
received. I send a postal money order for one
dollar to renew my subscription to The Com
moner. I generally read it before any other
papers which come by the same mall. In your
public converses, and through The Commoner
you have done a great work in the interest of
good government and of the American people;
and I have often said that, while I might not
approve your views in every thing, I regarded
you as one of the ablest statesmen, and best
democrats and as the truest man to the interests
of the people among all our political men. And if
I could name the president of the United States
it would be Wm. J. Bryan.
I think you will know that I could, not de
scend to unmerited flattery. And I make the
above statement in order that you may not mis
understand what I am going to add.
If I were asked what I regard as the most
serious menace to our constitutional system of
government and to the rights and liberty of the
American peoplo f would say:
1. The disregard of President Roosevelt for
the constitution and for political morality, his
selfish and reckless partisanship, and his failure
to enforce the criminal law against trusts and
monopolies,
2. The policy of the republican party, in
substituting the will of a popular majority of the
people of the union for the provisions and limi
tations of the constitution of the United States,
and its class and monopoly legislation, including
a high protective tariff, the trusts and the mo
nopolies fostered by it, and the notorious political
corruption which has grown out or its policy.
If I were asked for a remedy for these dan
gers I would say the defeat of Roosevelt for the
presidency, the reversal of republican policies, and
the restoration of constitutional, honest and econ
omic government
If I am asked how this is to be done, I .would
say:
By the adoption by the national democratic
convention when it meets of a piatrorm covering
the recognized cardinal principles of the party,
alnd leaving questions of differences of opinions
among democrats to be settled within the party
after it shall have gotten the control of the gov
ernment, uniting the whole strength of the party
for this purpose, and offering this Inducement to
the floating vote of the country and to dissatls
fledJjPubiicans. This plan would open the whole
field,' for. political discussion; and it seems to me
offers' the only possible chance for the success
of tho democratic party in the coming national
election.
If we go into the contest with contesting
factions in the party, defeat is inevitable; and
the practices of Roosevelt, and the policies of tho
republican party will have four years more in
which to become crystallized; and that would bo
tho end of constitutional government, and tho
enthronement in its stead of a government of
classes, money, corporations and trusts.
I believe as earnestly as you do In tho
great body of tho doctrines you havo been ad
vocating, but I am not so afraid of the limited
number of democrats who oppose those policies
as to be afraid to go into a convention with them.
Surely six million democrats need not bo afraid of
three hundred thousand. While three hundred
thousand may not be able to elect a president,
they with the influences they can command can
surely defeat the election of any one on a plat
form antagonizing their views.
With me it is not a question of whether we
can defeat and punish any faction in the demo
cratic party; but whether we shall, by uniting
all democrats secure an election which will re
store tho constitution, good government, and the
best interests of the people of this great Re
public. -
You will understand that I do not write as
an interested politician. My political race has
been run. I am now eighty-live years of age.
I have no political honors to expect or to desire.
But I love my country and hope for a restoration
of the constitution and for the peaco, prosperity
and' equal rights of all.
Very respectfully,
,r JOHN H. REAGAN.
fTr- P. S. As your letter to mo is in part on
political questions, I hope it will not be dis
pleasing to you for me to give It to tbe Houston
Post
'' MR. BRYAN'S REPLY.
Lincoln, Neb., May 5, 1904.
Hon. John H. Reagan, Palestine, Texas.
My Dear Mr. Reagan: I am Just In receipt of
your favor of April 25th and hasten to reply. Your
well-earned prominence in public life, your con
spicuous service to your party and to your coun
try, and the cordial goodwill which you have
manifested toward me, all combine to give me an
interest in what you say, and it would be a
genuine pleasure to me if I could adopt the con
clusion which you have reached. The fact that
I differ from one whose sincerity I can not doubt
and whose ripened wisdom gives value- to his
words, makes it incumbent upon me to present
for your consideration the reasons which lead
me to take the position that I do.
I fully- agree with you as to the dangerous
tendency of republican policies as exemplified in
both the legislative and executive departments of
the government, and I may add, as exemplified
in the judicial department as well. I also agree
with you that President Roosevelt represents
those policies in their most aggravated form.
His imperialistic ideas and his imperialistic
methods, his refusal to enforce the law against
Sen of great wealth who conspire against their
country and its statutes, his subserviency to Wall
street and his willingness to mortgage his ad
wirnHnn to the great corporations In order
Ws defeat in the coming election. might add
what you have omitted-namely, that to his
n&lr offices he has added a grave one in that
stltutlonal foundations. But how shall this be
dono? What courso offors tho most reasonable
hopo of success? If tho party was narmonlous
and united in its general purposo, if those who
call themselves democrats were ono in aim and
purposo, a general platform might bo sunlciont,
providing of courso tho candidate was trust
worthy. But wo can not ignore existing condi
tions. In two national campaigns tho party
has tried to accomplish tho very things that you
commend, but Its high purposo has been thwart
ed not so much by republicans as by men who
havo taken upon themselves tho name Jlf democracy-
without accepting its principles. Tho men
who havo twico defeated the democratic party by
joining with tho republicans aro now scoking to
demoralize tho party from withln. These aro tho
men who threaten to continue tltefr "assaults upon
tho democratic party, and their support of tho
republican ticket, unless our party renounces Ita
allegiance to tho people and becomes tho cham
pion of organized wealth. The issuo between
democracy and plutocracy is clearly defineJ, and
tho democratic party must be on ono side or tho
other it can not occupy a neutral posrcion or play
fastand loose with tho people.
(You suggest that a platform be written cov
ering tho "recognized cardinal principles of the "
party and leaving questions of differences of opin
ion among democrats to be settled within the
party after it shall havo gotten control of the
government." Tho trouble Is that It is Impossible
to secure a statement of principles that is satis
factory. Becauso I recognizo tho force of this ap
peal to party pride and loyalty I havo from time
to time endeavored to secure from the leaders of
the reorganizing movement somo suggestion as o
what they regard as cardinal democratic princi
ples. -Mr. Cleveland, who talks in a ponderous
way about the party's return to "sanity," carefully
avoids any statement of principles. Tho sub
sidized papers that have attempted to assassinate
the political character of every loyal democrat,
refuse" to suggest a platform. We have had to
wait for the conventions to bo held, and these
conventions when controlled by tno reorganizes
have thrown no more light upon tho subject. You
have read the New York platform and know that
a republican could run upon It and after the elec
tion follow in the footsteps of President Roose
velt. In so far as it says anything at all, It de
fends rather than antagonizes tho trusts. The
platform adopted In Massachusetts Is even lesa
specific, and the Now Jersey and Pennsylvania
platforms are not much more clear. From the
conduct of those who are In charge of the cam
paign of the reorganlzers wo must conclude that
they either havo no well defined political prin
ciples to present, or that they are afraid to let
their views bo known
If wo were sure of securing a candidate whose
opinions were known to be right and whose rec
ord would be a guide to tho voters, wo might
possibly get along without any platform at allr
although that would be a confession of hopele
disagreement But the most prominent candidate
among the reorganlzers is Judge Parker whose
position on public questions is wholly unknown
but whose attitude can bo surmised from the
company he keeps. Mr. Hill is the manager of
the Parker boom, and August Belmont is it
financial representative. When Mr. Hill wag in
the senate he opposed the inepme tax and went
oven farther In defending the insolent demand
of Wall street than Mr. Cleveland did. Mr, Bel
mont is as noted for his apostacy from democratle
principles as for his connection with the Roths
childs. The New York Parker club has published
a list of the supporters of their candidate fot
the purpose of showing that he will be accept
able to tho "conservatives," and August Bel
mont's name appears first in the list, with Mr.
Hill's second. Mr. Benedict, who exerted such
i
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