The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, March 14, 1902, Page 2, Image 2

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tho auction block and sell it to the highest bidder.
As long ns the reorganizing democrats are headed
toward republican policies evon a Mississippi legis
lature will find It impossible to deliver tho demo
cratic voters into tho keeping of those reorgan
izes. Thoro runs through the resolution tho Mammon-worshipping
spirit which today dominates tho
republican party and those democrats who have
in recent years been affiliating with tho republican
party. No great principle is mentioned, no great
reform promised, no appeal is made to head or
to heart it is all commercial; all mercenary.
Plutocracy embraces two classes of people
tho purse-proud possessors of money and tho Im
pecunious Ilattcrers who hope to secure a few
crumbs from an overloaded table. The McAllister
resolution puts tho people of Mississippi in tho
position of mendicants begging favors from cor
porate wealth and offering to enlist under tho flag
that represents tho most money. The supporters
of tho McAllister resolution do not ask what tho
eastern democrats stand for; they are, to all ap
poaranccs, lndifforent as to issues. No matter
whothor tho oastern domocrats favor gold or silver
or paper, no matter whether they favor trust su
premacy or tho annihilation of trusts, no matter
whether thoy favor tariff reform or a high tariff,
no matter whether they favor self-government or
imperialism according to tho resolution it mat
tors not what tho eastern domocrats favor or op
pose, tho Mississippi democrats are to take them for
bettor or for worse and, so far as tho supporters of
tho resolution can bind them, they agree to "love,
honor and oboy" tin eastern spouse.
Mr. McAllister will novor bo accused of plagiar
izing from tho utterances of Jefferson or Jackson,
but ho will find many republican speeches so like
his resolution in sentiment that with a few verbal
changes ho can quote them in support of his doc
trine. "What is to bo done? Tho doctrine presented
In tho resolution has never been submitted to
tho democrats of Mississippi; they have never au
thorized their legislators to make suck an an
nouncement. It Is puroly tho individual opinion of
those who voted for tho resolution. The agents
acted beyond tho scope of their authority and It
remains for tho principal tho people to indorse
or repudiate tho act of tho agent.
For tho good namo of the Mississippi dem
ocracy lot us hope that the repudiation will bo
speedy and emphatic.
JJJ
A Word as to Clubs.
The editorials which have appeared in former
Iesucs of Tho Commoner relative to debating so
cieties have brought several Inquiries as well as
numerous suggestions. A Snohomish ,Wash., reader
of this paper, calls attention to a club there which
Is non-political in its character and which dis
cusses important questions as they arise, each
member being called upon to give expression to his
views. There is in tho city of Lincoln a similar
club, known as the Round Table. It was organized
about twelve years ago'and meets every two weeks,
except during a recess of about three months in
the summer. The club is in a very prosperous
condition and has been extremely beneficial to
those who aro members. It Includes representatives
of tho various occupations and professions, as well
as representatives of different parties and re
ligions. Tho club has no president and tho secre
tary's, only duty is to inform the members of tho
place of meeting and tho subject.
Tho club meets from house to Ij.ouse, according
to tho convenience of tho members, and they lead
the discussion in alphabetical order.
According to the rules of the Round Table tho
leader selects his subject and presents his views
upon it, after which the other members are
called upon in turn. ,
Such an exchange of ideas is immensely help
ful to those who desire to keep abreast with tho
The Commoner.
times. This club is a little different-from tho ordi
nary debating club and may suit some better than
a debating club, but the method of procedure is not
nearly so Important as the discussion of current
questions,
In this connection answer will bo made to two
inquiries submitted. First, as to the form of a
question presenting the subject of a protective
tariff and second the form of a question presenting
the principle of tho income tax.
The tariff question may bo stated in several
ways, among others tho following: "Resolved,
That a tariff levied, not for the purpose of collect
ing revenue, but primarily and principally for tho
purpose of protectfon, is right in principle, wise In
policy and necessary to the extent that we now
have it."
"Resolved, That the principle of a protective
tariff is wrong, and that Import duties should bo
collected for revenue only."
These two questions present the tariff question
in Buch a form that the principle involved can be
discussed. Those who advocate a protective tariff
assume the burden of proof, and must show that
the principle is correct, that tho policy Is advant
ageous and that tho rate asked for is necessary.
Tho income tax question can be presented as
follows: "Resolved, That an income tax is just
in principle and that the constitution of the United
States should be so amended as to specifically au
thorize the collection of such a tax whenever con
gress deems such a tax desirable."
This question presents the income tax principle
and compells tho opponents of the tax to meet the
question squarely. If the principle of the tax is
right, then congress should be permitted to decide
upon the desirability of applying the principle. In
tho campaign of 1896 the opponents of the income
.tax, Instead of meeting the issue' fairly, pretended
to see in the democratic platform a reflection upon
the supreme court and a threat to reorganize that
august body. No such construction could justly
be placed upon the platform,, but the question as
above stated avoids that criticism and defines the
real issue. In this issue will be found an argu
ment in favor of the income tax presented by Mr.
Bryan when the Wilson bill, containing the in
come tax provision, was before congress.
JJS
Two Republican Planks.
Republican newspapers are now urging the
passage of the ship subsidy bill on the ground that
the republican party in its national platform prom
ised the adoption of such a measure. It will be
interesting to read the republican plank relating
to this question and the republican plank relating
to trusts and then observe the manner in which
republican newspapers and. republican leaders in
sist that each, of these planks be carried out.
The republican plank relating to shipping is
as follows:
Our present dependence upon foreign shin
ping for nine-tenths of our foreign carrying is
a great loss to the industry of this country
it is also a serious danger to our trade for it!
sudden withdrawal in the event ofr European
wars would seriously cripple our expanding
foreign commerce. The national defense and
naval efficiency of this country, moreover"
S5PLy .comD1UnS reason for legislation
which will enable us to recover our former
place among the trade carrying fleets of the
world.
Tho republican plank relating to trusts is 'as
follows:
We recognize the necessity and propriety
of the honest co-operation of capital to meet
new business conditions and especially to ex
tend our rapidly Increasing foreign trade, but
we condemn all conspiracies and combinations
;no!?ied t0 ir,esict busIness, to create mon
opolies, to limit production, or to control
prices; and favor such legislation as will effec
tively restrain and prevent all such abuses,.
8SSftifndpro,5ot6 comPtition and secure
the rights of producers, laborers, and all, who
are engaged in Industry and commerce.
Now it will be observed that no explicit pledge
Volume a, No. 8.
is made in the -plank relating to shipping. That
plank promised "legislation which will enable ua
to .recover our former place among the trade
carrying fleets of the world." -But thi3 did not
necessarily mean legislation that would vote
enormous subsidies into tho pockets of a favored
few, although the plank is now being interpreted
in that direction.
The plank relating to trusts was considerably
plainer than the plank relating to shipping. "AH
conspiracies and combinations Intended to re
strict business, to create monopolies, to limit pro
duction or to control prices" wero condemned in
this plank of the republican platform; and tho
people were promised, "such legislation as will
effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses,
protect and promote competition and secure the
rights of the producers, laborers, and all who aro
engaged in industry and commerce."
And yet how different is tho position of repub
lican leaders today with respect to this tru?t
pledge and the position of these same people with
respect to the shipping pledge. In their platform
they condemned the -trust and they promised leg
islation that would prevent all such abuses and
yet today the only remedy they have for these
"conspiracies" is "publicity" and not much of
that. They close their eyes to the weapon imme
diately within their reach, the weapon suggested
by Mr. Babcock of Wisconsin and the weapon pro
posed by the Kansas City platform, which would
result in removing the tariff advantages from the
products of the trust. The republican platform re
ferred to the trusts as "conspiracies," but the re
publican president in his message referred to the
trust magnates as "captains of industry."
Now if the ambiguous plank relating to ship
ping requires the passage of the ship, subsidy bill
on the ground that that plank was a solemn
pledge to the people, why does not the. explicit
plank relating to trusts require fulfillment? .
Will some republican organ undertake- to ex
plain the zeal for the enactment of a law that will
vote fortunes into the pockets of a few men under
the pretense of carrying out an ambiguous plank,
while there is a very apparent determination to re
pudiate the explicit pledge made in the plank re
lating to trusts a plank which, if honestly car
ried but, would deprive a number of "conspirators"
of the opportunity of fleecing the people?
Prince Henry's Visit;
Prince Henry, brother of the German em
peror and representative of the German govern
ment as well as the German race, has had an en
joyable visit in tho United States and has seen
a considerable portion of our country as well aa
a large number of our people. He has been treated
with great cordiality and returns home with, the
assurance if any assurance had been needed that,
there is a feeling, of genuine friendship between
this country and Germany.
Insofar as the efforts of our people were di
rected toward proving the existence of this feel
ing those efforts were entirely commendable; in
sofar as they were Intended to show hospitality
toward the representative of a foreign govern
ment they were praiseworthy. Some may have
felt an un-American thrill when brought into
actual contact with a real, live representative of
European royalty, but the prince doubtless mat
enough people to convince him that the toadies
and would-be aristocrats are in the minority. One
of the opposition members in the German legisla
ture recently commented on the so-called demo
cratic ways of thG prinCQ ,and suggegted
were, purely for foreign consumption. It is en-
thar that hG Was" mo democratic
his host, but our envoys to the coronation wilL
ToumZ T en they g0 t0 Euro0' to will
woukl I T arIstocrati abroad than they,,
would dare to be at home; " ,
Lot us hope that the visit of the prince will re-
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