,..., it .Wmntrntni I m -i-i ' 'l ' ''"" r,- tho auction block and sell it to the highest bidder. As long ns the reorganizing democrats are headed toward republican policies evon a Mississippi legis lature will find It impossible to deliver tho demo cratic voters into tho keeping of those reorgan izes. Thoro runs through the resolution tho Mammon-worshipping spirit which today dominates tho republican party and those democrats who have in recent years been affiliating with tho republican party. No great principle is mentioned, no great reform promised, no appeal is made to head or to heart it is all commercial; all mercenary. Plutocracy embraces two classes of people tho purse-proud possessors of money and tho Im pecunious Ilattcrers who hope to secure a few crumbs from an overloaded table. The McAllister resolution puts tho people of Mississippi in tho position of mendicants begging favors from cor porate wealth and offering to enlist under tho flag that represents tho most money. The supporters of tho McAllister resolution do not ask what tho eastern democrats stand for; they are, to all ap poaranccs, lndifforent as to issues. No matter whothor tho oastern domocrats favor gold or silver or paper, no matter whether they favor trust su premacy or tho annihilation of trusts, no matter whether thoy favor tariff reform or a high tariff, no matter whether they favor self-government or imperialism according to tho resolution it mat tors not what tho eastern domocrats favor or op pose, tho Mississippi democrats are to take them for bettor or for worse and, so far as tho supporters of tho resolution can bind them, they agree to "love, honor and oboy" tin eastern spouse. Mr. McAllister will novor bo accused of plagiar izing from tho utterances of Jefferson or Jackson, but ho will find many republican speeches so like his resolution in sentiment that with a few verbal changes ho can quote them in support of his doc trine. "What is to bo done? Tho doctrine presented In tho resolution has never been submitted to tho democrats of Mississippi; they have never au thorized their legislators to make suck an an nouncement. It Is puroly tho individual opinion of those who voted for tho resolution. The agents acted beyond tho scope of their authority and It remains for tho principal tho people to indorse or repudiate tho act of tho agent. For tho good namo of the Mississippi dem ocracy lot us hope that the repudiation will bo speedy and emphatic. JJJ A Word as to Clubs. The editorials which have appeared in former Iesucs of Tho Commoner relative to debating so cieties have brought several Inquiries as well as numerous suggestions. A Snohomish ,Wash., reader of this paper, calls attention to a club there which Is non-political in its character and which dis cusses important questions as they arise, each member being called upon to give expression to his views. There is in tho city of Lincoln a similar club, known as the Round Table. It was organized about twelve years ago'and meets every two weeks, except during a recess of about three months in the summer. The club is in a very prosperous condition and has been extremely beneficial to those who aro members. It Includes representatives of tho various occupations and professions, as well as representatives of different parties and re ligions. Tho club has no president and tho secre tary's, only duty is to inform the members of tho place of meeting and tho subject. Tho club meets from house to Ij.ouse, according to tho convenience of tho members, and they lead the discussion in alphabetical order. According to the rules of the Round Table tho leader selects his subject and presents his views upon it, after which the other members are called upon in turn. , Such an exchange of ideas is immensely help ful to those who desire to keep abreast with tho The Commoner. times. This club is a little different-from tho ordi nary debating club and may suit some better than a debating club, but the method of procedure is not nearly so Important as the discussion of current questions, In this connection answer will bo made to two inquiries submitted. First, as to the form of a question presenting the subject of a protective tariff and second the form of a question presenting the principle of tho income tax. The tariff question may bo stated in several ways, among others tho following: "Resolved, That a tariff levied, not for the purpose of collect ing revenue, but primarily and principally for tho purpose of protectfon, is right in principle, wise In policy and necessary to the extent that we now have it." "Resolved, That the principle of a protective tariff is wrong, and that Import duties should bo collected for revenue only." These two questions present the tariff question in Buch a form that the principle involved can be discussed. Those who advocate a protective tariff assume the burden of proof, and must show that the principle is correct, that tho policy Is advant ageous and that tho rate asked for is necessary. Tho income tax question can be presented as follows: "Resolved, That an income tax is just in principle and that the constitution of the United States should be so amended as to specifically au thorize the collection of such a tax whenever con gress deems such a tax desirable." This question presents the income tax principle and compells tho opponents of the tax to meet the question squarely. If the principle of the tax is right, then congress should be permitted to decide upon the desirability of applying the principle. In tho campaign of 1896 the opponents of the income .tax, Instead of meeting the issue' fairly, pretended to see in the democratic platform a reflection upon the supreme court and a threat to reorganize that august body. No such construction could justly be placed upon the platform,, but the question as above stated avoids that criticism and defines the real issue. In this issue will be found an argu ment in favor of the income tax presented by Mr. Bryan when the Wilson bill, containing the in come tax provision, was before congress. JJS Two Republican Planks. Republican newspapers are now urging the passage of the ship subsidy bill on the ground that the republican party in its national platform prom ised the adoption of such a measure. It will be interesting to read the republican plank relating to this question and the republican plank relating to trusts and then observe the manner in which republican newspapers and. republican leaders in sist that each, of these planks be carried out. The republican plank relating to shipping is as follows: Our present dependence upon foreign shin ping for nine-tenths of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country it is also a serious danger to our trade for it! sudden withdrawal in the event ofr European wars would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The national defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover" S5PLy .comD1UnS reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world. Tho republican plank relating to trusts is 'as follows: We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of capital to meet new business conditions and especially to ex tend our rapidly Increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations ;no!?ied t0 ir,esict busIness, to create mon opolies, to limit production, or to control prices; and favor such legislation as will effec tively restrain and prevent all such abuses,. 8SSftifndpro,5ot6 comPtition and secure the rights of producers, laborers, and all, who are engaged in Industry and commerce. Now it will be observed that no explicit pledge Volume a, No. 8. is made in the -plank relating to shipping. That plank promised "legislation which will enable ua to .recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world." -But thi3 did not necessarily mean legislation that would vote enormous subsidies into tho pockets of a favored few, although the plank is now being interpreted in that direction. The plank relating to trusts was considerably plainer than the plank relating to shipping. "AH conspiracies and combinations Intended to re strict business, to create monopolies, to limit pro duction or to control prices" wero condemned in this plank of the republican platform; and tho people were promised, "such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition and secure the rights of the producers, laborers, and all who aro engaged in industry and commerce." And yet how different is tho position of repub lican leaders today with respect to this tru?t pledge and the position of these same people with respect to the shipping pledge. In their platform they condemned the -trust and they promised leg islation that would prevent all such abuses and yet today the only remedy they have for these "conspiracies" is "publicity" and not much of that. They close their eyes to the weapon imme diately within their reach, the weapon suggested by Mr. Babcock of Wisconsin and the weapon pro posed by the Kansas City platform, which would result in removing the tariff advantages from the products of the trust. The republican platform re ferred to the trusts as "conspiracies," but the re publican president in his message referred to the trust magnates as "captains of industry." Now if the ambiguous plank relating to ship ping requires the passage of the ship, subsidy bill on the ground that that plank was a solemn pledge to the people, why does not the. explicit plank relating to trusts require fulfillment? . Will some republican organ undertake- to ex plain the zeal for the enactment of a law that will vote fortunes into the pockets of a few men under the pretense of carrying out an ambiguous plank, while there is a very apparent determination to re pudiate the explicit pledge made in the plank re lating to trusts a plank which, if honestly car ried but, would deprive a number of "conspirators" of the opportunity of fleecing the people? Prince Henry's Visit; Prince Henry, brother of the German em peror and representative of the German govern ment as well as the German race, has had an en joyable visit in tho United States and has seen a considerable portion of our country as well aa a large number of our people. He has been treated with great cordiality and returns home with, the assurance if any assurance had been needed that, there is a feeling, of genuine friendship between this country and Germany. Insofar as the efforts of our people were di rected toward proving the existence of this feel ing those efforts were entirely commendable; in sofar as they were Intended to show hospitality toward the representative of a foreign govern ment they were praiseworthy. Some may have felt an un-American thrill when brought into actual contact with a real, live representative of European royalty, but the prince doubtless mat enough people to convince him that the toadies and would-be aristocrats are in the minority. One of the opposition members in the German legisla ture recently commented on the so-called demo cratic ways of thG prinCQ ,and suggegted were, purely for foreign consumption. It is en- thar that hG Was" mo democratic his host, but our envoys to the coronation wilL ToumZ T en they g0 t0 Euro0' to will woukl I T arIstocrati abroad than they,, would dare to be at home; " , Lot us hope that the visit of the prince will re- ,yfM7t&4 .A-A&i. WL . . kXAbt . jTf ., j , j. iT 11'- wmwmmmmim 'i j ' m .-. . . .. w i...i. uiL .,