Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (March 29, 1901)
pfrp f- 'iiw The Commoner. wg" operated in connection with the postoffice depart ment; this reform has already been recom mended by one republican postmaster general," Mr. Wanamaker, and the matter is now being investigated by an industrial commission. The populists, v hile holding to their belief in the government ownership of railroads, have given their influence to all legislation which tended toward the regulation of railroads or the securing of reasonable rates. On the money question the populist party has done a great deal of educational work. It has steadfastly defended the greenback against the attacks of the national banking interests and has insisted that the right to issue money is a sover eign function of government which cannot safely bo delegated to private individuals or corpora tions. The democratic party has in two conven tions supported this doctrine, although differing from the populists on the subject of redeemabil ity. The democrats advocate a legal tender greenback, issued by the government, redeema ble in coin, the government to exercise the option as to which coin, while the populists believe in an irredeemable greenback. This difference, however, has not prevented the democrats and populists from acting together to save the green back from annihilation. The populists believe in the quantitative theory of money and favor bimetalism because it would give more money than monometalism. While the democrats in the Senate and Houbo of Representatives had for twenty years been voting for free coinage at sixteen to one, the populists were the first to name the ratio in a national platform. The unexpected and unpromised increase in the supply of gold, while it has tended to lessen the immediate importance of the money question, has vindicated the quantitative theory which is advocated by democrats and populists but was until recently denied by republicans. The populists, as might be expected, oppose imperialism and trusts. They also unite with the democrats in favoring arbitration and con demning government by injunction and the black list. No one who understands the history of the last ten years can doubt the influence which the populist party has exerted upon public' affairs. It has been a great educational factor and the democratic party has strengthened rather than weakened itself by endorsing a number of propo sitions which are called "populistic." To repu diate our populist allies and surrender to the corporate influences which now dominate the republican party would be as impolitic as it would be unpatriotic. The democratic party has no reason for existence except to champion the cause of the people. It must stand ready to co-operate with those who are fighting organized greed, for to refuse such co-operation is to give aid and comfort to the common enemy. A Naked Sword. On the evening of February 16, 1900, Secre tary of the Navy Long delivered an address before the Home Market Club of Boston. On that oc casion Secretary Long said: It is certain cause for congratulation that the ex. treme imperialists who resisted the treaty have been signally, overthrown. By resisting its ratification. A they nave been insisting upon the extrcmest lmpcrial-queat. In fact, the destruction of the Spanish fleet ism and have out-Hcroded Herod. They not only' on May 1 was the conquest of Manila, the capital of would have prolonged the war with Spain, but would the Philippines. The President is confident that the not have taken out of the hnnds of one man, the prcsi- commission will bo able to make a treaty on just and dent, absolute authority over the Philippines limited. honorable grounds; a failure to do so would be great only to the indefinite scope of what is called the wan Jy to be regretted. Dav. power, wielded by a purely military arm holding aJ ' naked sword. Think of that for imperialism! It is a. On the following day Mr. Day renewed his great credit to the President that like Julius Caesar , protest and Commissioner Davis added a separate vjvits i, tioiiiMgtuii, uc II US IUiUL'U LI11H U1LUT OI U. kingly crown. On 1 1 -m 1. - v'" iuiii jju.s uuuu uuupieu 01 puiiing uie uispu linn of it. J..1 1A ll. 1 1 . 1 . . uiuii ill i.iiisi is niiiiu inrn run nnnrio rT wn n r w . :::::, Vr . ... " "- -i j-aris, November fi, 18982:20. (For the Prcsl- pu-upie, wuo win amy express uieir will through their 'l(lentr Snecial. V-ToWmm nf M v'u. n r ,,.. A 9 ... VD . ,.. Vfc .. w v i iiau,l 11UIU tSHO igton, he has refused this offer of a. nnininn in anmmrt nf m tv,., . the contrary the good old deno-fr Z V f communication, m adopted of putting the dispcsi-kl rCad a" foIlow8: ncanK representatives in Congress assembled. I have no. doubt the President is delighted to have the elephant off his hands and on theirs. This is very interesting in the light of the. present situation. Mr. McKinley possesses "ab solute authority over the Philippines, limited only to the indefinite scope of what is called the war power, wielded by a purely military arm holding a naked sword." Unlike Julius Caesar and George Washington,. Mr. McKinley did not "refuse this offer of a. kingly crown." On the contrary, he seems 'to have eagerly seized the offer, and he is wielding a. "naked sword" with all the evident delight of the most pronounced imperialist in history. If Mr. Kinley would be "delighted to have the elephant off his hands," he has, indeed, a poor way of displaying his pleasure. Compare the speech of Secretary Long, deliv ered less than fourteen months ago, with tho Spooner resolution, which conferred, upon persons to be chosen by the president, "all military, civil and judicial powers," to be exercised under the President's direction and behold the difference! W "Conquest," Said the President. Secretary of State received. Wo have not yielded the claim by a right of conquest. Telegram to you on that subject was on tho afternoon of discussion with Spanish commissioners. Wo shall not foreclose im portant matters without advising you. We arc doing all in our power to secure treaty in accordance with your views, In tho opinion of a majority of the com mission wo shall not promoto this end by putting forth the claim that Manila was taken by conquest on May 1. Subsequent military operations and capi tulation, no less than mutual acceptance of protocol, preclude making demand upon that ground. Our opinion as to ineffectiveness of capitulation after pro tocol has already been stated. Day. I think we can demand cession of entire archipel ago on other and more valid grounds than a perfected territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands, such as indemnity or as conditions of peace imposed by our general military success and in view of our future security and general welfare, commercial and other wise. I think the protocol admits all these grounds, and that the ground alone of perfected territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow and untenable under protocol. Friday, 3:30 afternoon. j Cusuman K. Davis. 1 The President in his reply again insisted that the commission Bhould rely, in part, upon our right to hold the islands by conquest. It will be seen, therefore, that the President deliberately and after repeated warnings clung to tho doctrine In the correspondence concerning: the Paris '? nlt conquest can give title to lands and peoples, treaty, referred to in a former issue,, will be found . Jefferson in 1791 said, in a letter to William some interesting telegrams which passed between Short, "If there be one principle more deeply the commission and the state deportment discuss- "written than any other in the mind of every Amer ing the theory to be advanced f oar the holding of can fc s taat we should have nothing to do with the Philippine islands. Mr. Day,, speaking for a f conquest." majority of the members of the commission, Mr. Blaine in 1890 introduced in the pan- I cabled the President on Novembers,, I&98y saying :J American conference a series of resolutions the that the demand for the Philippine islands could ; rst of which declared, "That the principle of conquest shall not, during the continuance of the treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible under American public law." The second declared, "That all cessions of territory made during the continuance of the treaty of arbitration shall be void if made under threats of war or in the presence of an armed force." Jefferson, speaking for democrats, repudiated the doctrine of conquest; Blaine, speaking for republicans as well as democrats, adds his con demnation, but President McKinley insists upon conquest as one of the sources of title to the Phil ippine Islands. If we have a right to take the Philippine Islands by conquest, we have a right to take any other islands or continents in the same way. The doctrine of conquest is absolute ly destructive of the doctrine set forth in the Declaration of Independence. If one. is true, tho other must be false; the President chose tho Eu ropean doctrine arjd abandoned the American doctrine when he gave his instructions to the commission. not be based on conquest. The following is the message: United States Peace Commission, Paris, November 3, 189810 a. m. (For the President. Special. V Af ter a careful examination of the authorities, the ma jority of the commission are clearly of opinion that our demand for the Philippine Islands can not be based on conquest. When the protocol was signed Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and capture made after the execution of the protocol. Captures made after agreement for armistice must be disregarded and status quo restored as far as practic able. We can require cession of Philippine Islands only as indemnity for losses and expenses of the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands, the broken power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal would leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors. Have written fully. Thursday, 11:30 morn ing. Day. Secretary of State Hay immediately replied: Department of State, Washington, November 3, 1898. The President has received your dispatch of this date and awaits your letter. Meantime, however, the question may be ultimately determined. He as sumes you have not yielded the claim by right of coq- II .A'