pfrp f-
'iiw
The Commoner.
wg"
operated in connection with the postoffice depart
ment; this reform has already been recom
mended by one republican postmaster general,"
Mr. Wanamaker, and the matter is now being
investigated by an industrial commission.
The populists, v hile holding to their belief in
the government ownership of railroads, have
given their influence to all legislation which
tended toward the regulation of railroads or the
securing of reasonable rates.
On the money question the populist party has
done a great deal of educational work. It has
steadfastly defended the greenback against the
attacks of the national banking interests and has
insisted that the right to issue money is a sover
eign function of government which cannot safely
bo delegated to private individuals or corpora
tions. The democratic party has in two conven
tions supported this doctrine, although differing
from the populists on the subject of redeemabil
ity. The democrats advocate a legal tender
greenback, issued by the government, redeema
ble in coin, the government to exercise the option
as to which coin, while the populists believe in
an irredeemable greenback. This difference,
however, has not prevented the democrats and
populists from acting together to save the green
back from annihilation.
The populists believe in the quantitative
theory of money and favor bimetalism because
it would give more money than monometalism.
While the democrats in the Senate and Houbo of
Representatives had for twenty years been voting
for free coinage at sixteen to one, the populists were
the first to name the ratio in a national platform.
The unexpected and unpromised increase in the
supply of gold, while it has tended to lessen the
immediate importance of the money question,
has vindicated the quantitative theory which is
advocated by democrats and populists but was
until recently denied by republicans.
The populists, as might be expected, oppose
imperialism and trusts. They also unite with
the democrats in favoring arbitration and con
demning government by injunction and the black
list. No one who understands the history of the
last ten years can doubt the influence which the
populist party has exerted upon public' affairs.
It has been a great educational factor and the
democratic party has strengthened rather than
weakened itself by endorsing a number of propo
sitions which are called "populistic." To repu
diate our populist allies and surrender to the
corporate influences which now dominate the
republican party would be as impolitic as it would
be unpatriotic. The democratic party has no
reason for existence except to champion the cause
of the people. It must stand ready to co-operate
with those who are fighting organized greed, for
to refuse such co-operation is to give aid and
comfort to the common enemy.
A Naked Sword.
On the evening of February 16, 1900, Secre
tary of the Navy Long delivered an address before
the Home Market Club of Boston. On that oc
casion Secretary Long said:
It is certain cause for congratulation that the ex.
treme imperialists who resisted the treaty have been
signally, overthrown. By resisting its ratification.
A
they nave been insisting upon the extrcmest lmpcrial-queat. In fact, the destruction of the Spanish fleet
ism and have out-Hcroded Herod. They not only' on May 1 was the conquest of Manila, the capital of
would have prolonged the war with Spain, but would the Philippines. The President is confident that the
not have taken out of the hnnds of one man, the prcsi- commission will bo able to make a treaty on just and
dent, absolute authority over the Philippines limited. honorable grounds; a failure to do so would be great
only to the indefinite scope of what is called the wan Jy to be regretted. Dav.
power, wielded by a purely military arm holding aJ '
naked sword. Think of that for imperialism! It is a. On the following day Mr. Day renewed his
great credit to the President that like Julius Caesar , protest and Commissioner Davis added a separate
vjvits i, tioiiiMgtuii, uc II US IUiUL'U LI11H U1LUT OI U.
kingly crown. On
1 1 -m 1. -
v'" iuiii jju.s uuuu uuupieu 01 puiiing uie uispu
linn of it. J..1 1A ll. 1 1 . 1 . .
uiuii ill i.iiisi is niiiiu inrn run nnnrio rT wn n r w
. :::::, Vr . ... " "- -i j-aris, November fi, 18982:20. (For the Prcsl-
pu-upie, wuo win amy express uieir will through their 'l(lentr Snecial. V-ToWmm nf M v'u. n r ,,..
A 9 ... VD . ,.. Vfc .. w v i iiau,l 11UIU tSHO
igton, he has refused this offer of a. nnininn in anmmrt nf m tv,., .
the contrary the good old deno-fr Z V f communication,
m adopted of putting the dispcsi-kl rCad a" foIlow8:
ncanK
representatives in Congress assembled. I have no.
doubt the President is delighted to have the elephant
off his hands and on theirs.
This is very interesting in the light of the.
present situation. Mr. McKinley possesses "ab
solute authority over the Philippines, limited only
to the indefinite scope of what is called the war
power, wielded by a purely military arm holding
a naked sword."
Unlike Julius Caesar and George Washington,.
Mr. McKinley did not "refuse this offer of a.
kingly crown." On the contrary, he seems 'to
have eagerly seized the offer, and he is wielding a.
"naked sword" with all the evident delight of
the most pronounced imperialist in history.
If Mr. Kinley would be "delighted to have
the elephant off his hands," he has, indeed, a poor
way of displaying his pleasure.
Compare the speech of Secretary Long, deliv
ered less than fourteen months ago, with tho
Spooner resolution, which conferred, upon persons
to be chosen by the president, "all military, civil
and judicial powers," to be exercised under the
President's direction and behold the difference!
W
"Conquest," Said the President.
Secretary of State received. Wo have not yielded the
claim by a right of conquest. Telegram to you on
that subject was on tho afternoon of discussion with
Spanish commissioners. Wo shall not foreclose im
portant matters without advising you. We arc doing
all in our power to secure treaty in accordance with
your views, In tho opinion of a majority of the com
mission wo shall not promoto this end by putting
forth the claim that Manila was taken by conquest
on May 1. Subsequent military operations and capi
tulation, no less than mutual acceptance of protocol,
preclude making demand upon that ground. Our
opinion as to ineffectiveness of capitulation after pro
tocol has already been stated. Day.
I think we can demand cession of entire archipel
ago on other and more valid grounds than a perfected
territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands, such as
indemnity or as conditions of peace imposed by our
general military success and in view of our future
security and general welfare, commercial and other
wise. I think the protocol admits all these grounds,
and that the ground alone of perfected territorial
conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow and
untenable under protocol. Friday, 3:30 afternoon.
j Cusuman K. Davis.
1 The President in his reply again insisted that
the commission Bhould rely, in part, upon our
right to hold the islands by conquest. It will be
seen, therefore, that the President deliberately
and after repeated warnings clung to tho doctrine
In the correspondence concerning: the Paris '? nlt conquest can give title to lands and peoples,
treaty, referred to in a former issue,, will be found . Jefferson in 1791 said, in a letter to William
some interesting telegrams which passed between Short, "If there be one principle more deeply
the commission and the state deportment discuss- "written than any other in the mind of every Amer
ing the theory to be advanced f oar the holding of can fc s taat we should have nothing to do with
the Philippine islands. Mr. Day,, speaking for a f conquest."
majority of the members of the commission,
Mr. Blaine in 1890 introduced in the pan-
I
cabled the President on Novembers,, I&98y saying :J American conference a series of resolutions the
that the demand for the Philippine islands could ; rst of which declared, "That the principle of
conquest shall not, during the continuance of the
treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible
under American public law."
The second declared, "That all cessions of
territory made during the continuance of the
treaty of arbitration shall be void if made under
threats of war or in the presence of an armed
force."
Jefferson, speaking for democrats, repudiated
the doctrine of conquest; Blaine, speaking for
republicans as well as democrats, adds his con
demnation, but President McKinley insists upon
conquest as one of the sources of title to the Phil
ippine Islands. If we have a right to take the
Philippine Islands by conquest, we have a right
to take any other islands or continents in the
same way. The doctrine of conquest is absolute
ly destructive of the doctrine set forth in the
Declaration of Independence. If one. is true, tho
other must be false; the President chose tho Eu
ropean doctrine arjd abandoned the American
doctrine when he gave his instructions to the
commission.
not be based on conquest. The following is the
message:
United States Peace Commission, Paris, November
3, 189810 a. m. (For the President. Special. V Af
ter a careful examination of the authorities, the ma
jority of the commission are clearly of opinion that
our demand for the Philippine Islands can not be
based on conquest. When the protocol was signed
Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and
capture made after the execution of the protocol.
Captures made after agreement for armistice must be
disregarded and status quo restored as far as practic
able. We can require cession of Philippine Islands
only as indemnity for losses and expenses of the war.
Have in view, also, condition of islands, the broken
power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal
would leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate
factors. Have written fully. Thursday, 11:30 morn
ing. Day.
Secretary of State Hay immediately replied:
Department of State, Washington, November 3,
1898. The President has received your dispatch of
this date and awaits your letter. Meantime, however,
the question may be ultimately determined. He as
sumes you have not yielded the claim by right of coq-
II
.A'
