\
Supplement to I
LOUP CITY NORTHWESTERN.
Thursday, September 15, 1904.
LOUP CITY. - - - NEBRASKA.
RECORD OF THE DEMOCRACY
Its Professions and Promises
Compared with Its
Performances.
VERITABLE CALAMITY PARTY
Preaches the Gospel of Discontent and
Wastes Time in Obstructing Wise
and Beneficent Republican
Policies.
Congressman J. Adam Bede tells of
meeting a typical member of the party
of promises and calamity howlers. The
Democrat had just come out of :t saloon
•when he told Bede he had been buying
some lining for his underclothes. In
reply to Bede's query as to how he was
getting on, the unfortunate desciple of
Jefferson answered:
“That his horse went dead and his mule
went lame.
And he lost six cows in a poker game:
Then a hurricane came, on a summer's day.
And blew the house where he lived, away:
And an earthquake came wheu that was
gone.
And swallowed the land that the house
stood ou,
Then the tax collector soon came 'round
And charged him up with the bole in the
ground.”
Bede said that his friend thought that
was carrying the single tax too far. But
if you could analyze his case and those
of all chronic complaiuers and kickers
you would find that, out of a hundred
of them, at least ninety-eight ought to
*o out and kick themselves.
Short on Performance.
Democrats do not know the meaniug
of the word “performance,” when ap
plied to doing anything for the gen
eral good, the advancement of the hu
man race, or the betterment of man
kind. As a party it has been trying
to write it for more than a full round
century, aud yet it has not succeeded in
forming the first letter. To do anything
constructive or of permanent benefit
seems utterly beyond its moral and
psychic conception, or physical capacity
to perform. Its normal attitude is with
its face to the past and its back to tin
future. It never sees an opportuuity un
til the issue has been permanently set
tled by the Republican party aud public
sentiment. Then it will stand up. with
unblushing aud inconceivable effrontery,
and say: “I did it.”
If the question of locomotion, with
it, depended upon the two limbs of prom
ise and performance, it would limp
through its course a loathsome deformity.
The promise leg would reach several
times around the earth and then to the
moon, while the performance member
could not be found, intact, with a pow
erful magnifying glass. It has been a
helpless victim of promisepbobia for a
hundred and one years, and there is not
a single symptom of relief in sight. The
disease is conceded by the best author
ities to be fatal, but a slow death car
ries its own peculiar form of retributive
puuishmeut.
Founded on a Mistake.
Jefferson. i*s father, while a man of
deep learning and consummate diplo
macy. hated Washington, aud early op
posed the cardinal principles of the Fed
eral Government. He organized the
Democratic party to aid him in this op
position. Washington and Hamilton
wanted a strong protective government.
Jefferson wanted a weak “Government
that would govern the least.” Founded
on the idea of resentment, resistance, ne
gation, subversion and an academic and
false conception of personal privilege,
the party has quite naturally been
“forninst” all sane measures directed
toward the healthy progress of the coun
try and the real advancement of its peo
ple. Being a party of opposition and
obstruction its policy has been to preach
calamity and foster discontent; to prom
ise everything aud actually do nothing.
Party Odium Under Jackson.
If Jefferson was the founder of De
mocracy. Jackson is its patron saint. Af
ter the Jeffersonian period, 3801-25. came
the Jacksonian, 1825-40. The signifi
cance of the Jackson era of Democracy
lies in the fact that he was able to build
a machine from the rabble or the less
educated classes, that enabled him act
ually to assert bis claims in conflict with
the Constitution and against the idea
of Republicanism. He assumed a posi
tion between Congress and the people, as
it were; as a patriarchal ruler of the re
public. The curse of Jackson’s ad
sniuistration was that it weakened re
spect for law. The first clear symptom
<ft the decline of a healthy political spirit
tkas the election and re-election of Jack
son to the Presidency. His administra
tion paved a broad way for the demor
alizing transformation of the American
people. Under Jackson, politics were
vulgarized aud American society was de
prived of its rightful influence over gov
ernment.
Partisan*, >ot Patriot*.
The twenty years from the defeat of
Van Itureu in 1840 to the defeat of
Douglas iu 1800 brought additional dis
aster and odium upon Democratic ad
ministration. The strength of the party
has always rested in the Solid South,
and the uneducated riffraff of our great
•cities. Duriug the years mentioned the
Southern Democracy pursued a policy of
territorial expansion, not out of patriotic
-or broad motives, but for the sole pur
pose of increasing the number of slave
States, and thus preserve the sectional
"balance in the Senate. These years are
memorable in history for the struggle
for territorial acquisition, the struggle
-over the Wilmot Proviso, the Compro
mise of 1850, the repeal of the Missouri
•Compromise, for the long agony in Kan
aas, for the sensational Dred Scott de
-ciaion, and for he reconstruction of the
•arty on strictly sectional lines.
Kapid Moral Decay.
Daring .all these weighty history-mak
ing years, the Democratic party was
the willing accomplice of the Southern
slave-holder in his efforts to perpetuate
the institution of human slavery and to
extend slave labor at the expense of free
labor. The sacrifice of principle neces
sitated by this relationship led to rapid
decay. The party ceased to produce
great leaders. Men of conscience and
courage, like Thomas H. Benton, left
it. The significance of this period is the
illustration it gives of the disastrous re
sults of a betrayal of principles, to the
morals, honor and usefulness of a party.
The people have not trusted the Demo
cratic party since, except during the two
brief nightmares of the Cleveland ad
ministrations.
Party’s Shameful Record.
Founded on the wrong side of moral
and political ethics, it spent the first
sixty years of its existence along the
lines of self-aggrandizement and narrow
partisan legislation. While professing
in its platforms to be the friend of the
masses, it persistenly enacted law*
which bound them to penury and dis
tress. While publicly advocating a
broad, intelligent citizenship, it voted
against individual freedom. While beat
ing the tom-toms for prosperity to the
people, it voted against cheap postage,
the Homestead law, and the Resumption
of Specie Payment. Claiming to be in
favor of a higher standard of living for
the workingman, it enacted free-trade
measures which sent him into indefinite,
enforced idleness, and reduced him and
his family to the level of the pauper
labor of Europe. Professing the utmost
patriotism, it gave all possible aid to
the rebellion.
Some Comparisons.
Contrasted with the grand old Repub
lican party: the one abolished slavery,
the other upheld it to the last: the one
put down the rebellion, the other sup
ported the rebellion: the one preserved
the National faith and credit, and paid
the National debt, the other tried every
scheme and expedient to stultify the re
public and avoid the debt: the one pre
served the standard of value unchanged,
the other sought to tamper with it and
destroy it.
Gats Worse Instead of Better.
The professions and promises of the
Democratic party, during the past forty
three years, and the absence of all per
ft nuance are as notorious as ever. They
show the lack of ideas, or purpose, but
abound in hypocritical dogmas and
flatulent pretenses. It has “reversed'’
itself on almost every important Na
tional measure and brought upon itself
the ridicule of right-thinking people.
Apropos of this deplorable condition in
the party, “Mr. Dooley” proposed the
following want ad., a little while before
the St. Louis convention:
“WANTED—A good, active, eiiergotie
Dimmycrat, sthrnng lv lung an' limb;
must be in favor iv sound money, but not
too sound: an' auti-impeeryalist. lint fr
boldin’ onto what we’ve got; an inimy of
thrusts, hut a friend iv organized capital;
a sympathizer with th’ crushed an' down
throdden people, but not be anny means
hostile to vest'd lnthrests; must advocate
sthrikes, gover’mlnt be injunctiou, free sil
ver, sound money, greenbacks, a single
tax. a tariff fr rtvinoo, th’ const it ootlon
to follow th’ tbiz as far as it can, an’ no
farther; civil service rayform lv th' la'ads
in office, an' all th' gr-reat an’ glorymis
principles lv our gr-reat an' gioryous party,
or anuy gr-reat an’ gioryous parts thereof.
He must be akelly at home in Wall street
au' th’ stock yards, in th' parlors lv th'
r rich an' th' kitchens iv th' poor.”
Clevelandisui and Democracy.
During Cleveland’s administration our
National debt increased a half million
dollars a day in the face of the party's
promise of better times. Each day we
lost half a million dollars in foreign
trade. During that administration the
value of farm products decreased more
than live hundred million dollars. Dis
trust and panic paralyzed the great in
dustrial system of the country. Banks
closed their doors; business houses as
signed: the balance of trade was against
us; capital withdrew from the fields of
legitimate enterprise into secret places;
! labor was forced into unwilling idleness;
| we had deserted mills, smokeless faeto
! ries, silent machinery. We had tramps
| and beggars, industrial armies, starving
women and children. Two million able
bodied men were begging for work—
, the opportunity to earn bread for tbeir
starving families.
Unworthy of Existence.
This happened during the administra
tion of the Democratic party which dur
ing fifty years has added nothing to
progress, nothing to the cause of liberty,
nothing to freedom, nothing to the glory
of onr common country. This is the
party that, no matter what it promises.
, always goes into partnership with ealam
: itv. It feeds on disaster and fattens on
: despair. The only time it has had con
| trol of this country during this gener
; at ion, it shut the doors of industry and
j clothed labor in rags. It fought under
11lie dishonored banner of free silver, it
i opposed keeping our Hag in the Orient,
and advocated that it lie lowered in
retreat and trailed in the dust of dis
honor. Such is a part of the record of
the party of calamity, professions and
promises—the oft-defeated, discouraged.
; disorganized, disgraced, divided, decrepit
old Democratic party. It stands to-day
without an issue, without a principle,
without a policy, without a platform,
without a leader and without hope.
| Iu closing we quote S. E. Ivisor. of
the Nebraska Independent, who puts
these words in Bryan’s mouth as regards
Parker and his party:
“Bryan's Position.
“Friends and conntrynien. let’s trust him—
1 Though he’s not u man to trust—
i Let’s endeavor to elect him.
! Though his cause Is far from Just;
I have put away a’l rancor
As I promised them I would,
I am for the splendid ticket,
j Though It isn’t auy good.
"Let ua gird ourselves for battle—
But I hope we cannot win—
Let us pray to be successful.
Though success would be a sin;
Let ns give the people’s banner
I I nto him to nobly bear.
Bat It’s dangerous to do It,
| For he isn’t on the square.
I “Let us wave our hats for Parker,
The poor tool of foxy Dave:
> Let us test our hopes upon him.
1 Though he’s Mammon's cringing slave!
Let us raise him up to power,
I Help to send him whooping through,
But remember—here I warn you—
You’ll be sorry if yon do.”
“In the orderly administration of
affairs of the Government It is neces
sary thst each of the three depart
ments should repose trnst and confi
dence in the sets of the others
performed within their proper sphere
of setion. We mnst proceed npon the
assumption that tbs executive depart
ment* within its constitutional prero*
natives* is actuated by proper motives,
j amd that it ia aa regardful ot the good
ns* of the country as either the
legislative or the Judicial depart
manta,”—From Senator Falrbaaks’s speech on
*
JUDGE PARKER.
After His Telegram.
After His Speech.
_(Copyright, 1004. Itopro.lucpil by perm lsslon of the Chicago Chronicle and the New York Evening Mall.)
EDUCATION IN POLITICS.
Parkar Talks of It. bnt Belies on the
Ktreugtli of Tammany.
0 .
Judge Paiker says this:
“Whenever a great question o? public
importance lias arisen, it lias been pre
sented and championed through the press
and on the rostrum by the educated
thinkers of the country, who, for tlie
time being, are the real leaders, and
under whose banners the organization
leaders hasten to marshal their forces
lest their power shall be overthrown.”
What Judge Parker has said above
is true and right and sensible. But
what, after the expression of such an
opinion, is Judge Parker’s course? It is
very trite that the educated thinkers
of the country should conduct the af
fairs of the country. But what is Judge
Parker doing? Upon what and whom
does Judge Parker rely for carrying the
State of New York; oue of the States,
the influence of whose electoral votes is
great in the results of the Presidential
campaign. He relies upon au un-Amer
ican combination known as Tammany
Hall. It is absolutely impossible that
the man could hope to carry his own
State without the aid of this most cor
rupt organization, In the greatest city
of the country—an organization that has
simply Become an enormous Tester upon
the State in which it exists. Blit it has
been accepted in all exigencies, by the
Democratic party, which, to the credit of
that party, is a little above Tammany.
How ridiculous, under the circum
stances. is the attitude of the more or
less qualitied jurist who lives in Eso
pns! Think of a man who even talks
of the influence of the educated man in
politics and who at the same time must
depend entirely for his success, in the
State of New York, upon a conglomera
tion of the most uneducated and vicious
elements ever gathered together in the
making of a political pool in a great
city. It is hard to say it, but Mr. Dark
er cannot even afford to be respectable
in his explanations. He cannot afford
to talk about educated people or about
educated influence back of him, or about
ali that is good and broad and culti
vated back of him because, without
Tammany hack of him in his own State,
he has not the shadow of a hope, and
Tammany is the worst fpree there is
politically—a discredit to the country.
_Tlii* I. >»-- -- -» ’ _fru-i
tlif* statement of the thing. If this re
spectable jurist up in Esopus pretends to
say that the educated human beings in
this country can, under any circum
stances. be with him, why, necessarily,
he must cut himself away from Tam
many. But politically be cannot afford
to < ut himself away from Tammany—
and there yon are! One almost sympa
thizes with the middle-aged gentleman at
Esopus.
IN THE DAYS OF OLD ESOPUS
A Song of 190*.
In the days of old Esopus.
Are you ou?
In the days of old Esopus.
Are you on?
In the days of old Esopus
Hill tried very hard to rope ns.
Are you on. are you on, are yon on 1
Hill said. “Boys, I'll leave the town when
we arrive.
If to win the raee for my man yon'U but
strive.
But he never did get there,
And we really didn't care—
Are you on, are you on, are yon oat
In the days of old Esopus,
Are you out
In the days of old Esopus,
Are you ont
In the days of old Esopus
What a foolish way to dope ua,
Are you on, are you on, arc yoa oat
Parker Ia the Hop* of Trust*.
(New York Tribune.)
James J. Hill’s selection of Judge
Parker as bis candidate is significant.
He is angry with President Roosevelt
simply and solely for interfering with
Ins lawless schemes to monopolise the
railway traffic of the Northwest. He
turns to Democracy and Judge Parker
because he sees in them license to work
his sovereign and imperious will ia the
domain of business without restraint on
the part of the government. And Mr.
J. J. Hill is an able, experienced, hand
headed man, who knows what he is
about. He is not in the habit of baying
gold bricks.
During the last Democratic adminis
tration the government borrowed hun
dreds of millions of dollars daring a time
of profound peace, to pay carrpnt ex
penses. During the McKinley adminis
tration it prosecuted a foreign war to:
a successful conclusion without borrow-,
ing a cent, and since the war closed all
*».---Ml ■ .
WHOM SHALL WE HIRE?
An Untried Mini or One Who Hu
Mode o Good Becord.
• The good results of the affaire of a
nation depend almost absolutely upon
it* relations with other nations. There
fsu under the present condition of thought
and affairs, an advancement in the
world—a community of nations. The
one among those nations which exhibits
the greatest honesty and tact and com
mon sense, is the nation which will
be to the fore.
Under the administration of the party
that is now controlling the affairs of
the United 8tates has occurred such ex
traordinary diplomatic saccess as has
perhaps never been excelled by any na
tion at any time. This success has ac
ed because of the tact and sense of
present President of the United
States, assisted by his Secretary of
State. The record has been something
extraordinary, and all the civilized world
has recognized it.
Tact and sense are just as much a
requisite in the conduct of the affairs
of • nation as they are in the affairs
of a corporation or an individual. We
reward those who exhibit tact and sense
by continuing them in place, for our
own benefit. The conclusion need hardly
be expressed. Any American citizen of
intelligence will know whom to vote for
this fall.
Cannot Be Trusted.
(Albany (N. Y.) Journal.!
The people of this country have learn
ed by sad experience that no matter who
is the individual to lead the Democratic
party in the national conflict, they cannot
-trust the Democratic party when in
p«w«r to do the right thing at the right
time.
HOarlag the seven years that havo
Inst passed there ta no duty. domestic
or foreign, which we have shirked! no
'ascmary task which we have feared
undertake, or which we have not
performed with reasonable efficiency,
^e have never pleaded impotence.
have nevey songht refuge in criti
cal and complaint instead of action,
deface the future with our paet and
bar prasent as gaaraatore of oar prom*
toss, and we are content to etaad or to
fall by the record which wa have ■«*.
UNSAFE! UNSAFE! UNSAFE!
Democratic Charge Against
President Roosevelt that Is
Without Foundation.
SAFEST MAN IN COUNTRY
Tbrte Years fa ike White Hoose sad at
No Time Has Aaythiaf Been Dose that
Did Not Tend Toward Peace
with All the World.
When the bitter personal attacks oa
Theodore Roosevelt are analysed, and
when a Democratic agitator is asked to
define his opposition to the President,
the inevitable reply is that “Roosevelt
is an unsafe man."
Now, is he?
What makes an unaafe man? When
is a man safe and when ia he danger
ous? How sre we to judge s man—
by what he has done or by what some
one says he may do? Are we justified
in caltiog a man unsafe who has all
bis life been eminently safe? Is not a
man entitled to the reputation he makea
for himself?
For three years Theodore Roosevelt
has had absolute power, as President of
the United States, and yet during that
three years, although called to the great
office suddenly, as the result of a hor
rible murder, he has never lost his head.
He has never done a dangerous thing,
he has at no time involved the country
in difficulties, either at home er abroad.
False Predictions.
Immediately following the murder of
William McKinley predictions were
freely made in the Democratic press
that President Roosevelt would involve
the country in war. Has be done so?
It was also freely predicted that he
would break with the Republican ma
jority in the House and the Senate, and
that he would insist on having his own
way, disregarding the advice of the
time-honored leaders of the party. Has
he done so?
Does not every one know, on the con
trary, that the conditions of peace be
tween the United States and the rest
of the world were never more securely
anchored than to-day? This has not
been because the President has not had
an opportunity to go to war. Thera
have been half a dozen suoh opportuni
ties at the very least aince he became
President, when, if he had been the oa
! safe man he was alleged to be, he might
easily have involved us in war with ooa
or more of the great powers of Europe.
He has met every diplomatic emergency
with rough and ready diplomacy and ex
traordinary tact, which have won for the
United States the respect of the civil
ized world.
Record in Diplomacy.
Look over the record of the Stake De
partment under Theodore Roosevelt for
the last three years, and see bow much
has been accomplished to uphold the dig
nity and the honor of the United States,
without at any time causing the slight
est apprehension of foreign war. It was
during the present ad mini strati on that •
special commission was appointed to ad
just the disputed boundary between Alas
ka and the Dominion of Canada. Some
of the Canadian people and papers talked
rather savagely. There was every op
portunity for a misstep on the part of
the United States. A little too much
bluster, a little too prououuced brag,
failure in tact at the proper moment, a
substitution of timidity for bravery, or
of rashness for conservatism by Theo
dore Roosevelt would have fanned the
feeling in Canada into a dangerous
flame. The Alaska boundary was aa
inheritance from the McKinley admin
istration. but it was safely settled un
der Roosevelt, settled to the credit of
the United States, settled without the
loss of an iuch of American territory,
and settled, too, without the destruction
of the frieudly feeling between Great
Britain and the United States.
When Germany and England were at
the throats of the little republic of
Venezuela, an unsafe President might
easily have involved us in -war with
those two countries, and a timid Presi- .
dent might easily have brought upon the
flag the shame of the rest of the world.
Russia and Japan have been at war.
Tlie sentiment of the people in this
country has been largely in favor of
Japan. Yet John Hay, the wise and dis
creet Secretary of State, appointed by
McKinley and unhesitatingly retained
by Roosevelt, has so successfully direct
ed the course of American diplomacy
that the United States to-day is as much
the frh ad of Russia as it is of the ifetle
fighting-cock, Japan. The United Statee,
in fact, has dictated the diplomatic con
duct of hostilities between Russia and
Japan. This country has dominated the
situation, and yet at no time has there
been the sligthest danger that we might
become embroiled with any foreign na
tion.
Safe Every Dty in the Yeer.
These are the actual results of three
years of the foreign policy of Theodore
Roosevelt, the man who. when he en
tered the White House as the result of a
murderous bullet, was by his political ad
versaries lectured to the other nations at
the world as a braggart aud e swash
buckler. He has been safe, always safe,
every day aud every hour, since he has
been President of the Uuited States. He
has uever lowered the American hag te
anybody, he has never beeu forced to
apologize and he has conducted every
episode of our foreign policy, with the
advice of John Hay, in such a way as
to preserve the honor of the American
Republic, aud to gain the respect of the
sovereigns of the world. There is net a
king, nor au emperor, nor a president,
nor a potentate f^gm Pekiu to Timbuctoe
who does not know to-day that Theo
dore Roosevelt is of the best American
type, honest, frank, courageous, sensi
ble. and always safe for those who treat
him fairly.
Men of the Roosevelt type are unsafe
only to the dishouest, to the disturbers
of the peace of nations, to the graft are
.at home and the grabbers abroad, to the
manipulators of markets and the wreck
ers of nations. To the honest men, te
the people of the home and the flrtehla.
to the good, king and to the good eabject*
the Roosevelt tvne is H«. ihimm im
