\ Supplement to I LOUP CITY NORTHWESTERN. Thursday, September 15, 1904. LOUP CITY. - - - NEBRASKA. RECORD OF THE DEMOCRACY Its Professions and Promises Compared with Its Performances. VERITABLE CALAMITY PARTY Preaches the Gospel of Discontent and Wastes Time in Obstructing Wise and Beneficent Republican Policies. Congressman J. Adam Bede tells of meeting a typical member of the party of promises and calamity howlers. The Democrat had just come out of :t saloon •when he told Bede he had been buying some lining for his underclothes. In reply to Bede's query as to how he was getting on, the unfortunate desciple of Jefferson answered: “That his horse went dead and his mule went lame. And he lost six cows in a poker game: Then a hurricane came, on a summer's day. And blew the house where he lived, away: And an earthquake came wheu that was gone. And swallowed the land that the house stood ou, Then the tax collector soon came 'round And charged him up with the bole in the ground.” Bede said that his friend thought that was carrying the single tax too far. But if you could analyze his case and those of all chronic complaiuers and kickers you would find that, out of a hundred of them, at least ninety-eight ought to *o out and kick themselves. Short on Performance. Democrats do not know the meaniug of the word “performance,” when ap plied to doing anything for the gen eral good, the advancement of the hu man race, or the betterment of man kind. As a party it has been trying to write it for more than a full round century, aud yet it has not succeeded in forming the first letter. To do anything constructive or of permanent benefit seems utterly beyond its moral and psychic conception, or physical capacity to perform. Its normal attitude is with its face to the past and its back to tin future. It never sees an opportuuity un til the issue has been permanently set tled by the Republican party aud public sentiment. Then it will stand up. with unblushing aud inconceivable effrontery, and say: “I did it.” If the question of locomotion, with it, depended upon the two limbs of prom ise and performance, it would limp through its course a loathsome deformity. The promise leg would reach several times around the earth and then to the moon, while the performance member could not be found, intact, with a pow erful magnifying glass. It has been a helpless victim of promisepbobia for a hundred and one years, and there is not a single symptom of relief in sight. The disease is conceded by the best author ities to be fatal, but a slow death car ries its own peculiar form of retributive puuishmeut. Founded on a Mistake. Jefferson. i*s father, while a man of deep learning and consummate diplo macy. hated Washington, aud early op posed the cardinal principles of the Fed eral Government. He organized the Democratic party to aid him in this op position. Washington and Hamilton wanted a strong protective government. Jefferson wanted a weak “Government that would govern the least.” Founded on the idea of resentment, resistance, ne gation, subversion and an academic and false conception of personal privilege, the party has quite naturally been “forninst” all sane measures directed toward the healthy progress of the coun try and the real advancement of its peo ple. Being a party of opposition and obstruction its policy has been to preach calamity and foster discontent; to prom ise everything aud actually do nothing. Party Odium Under Jackson. If Jefferson was the founder of De mocracy. Jackson is its patron saint. Af ter the Jeffersonian period, 3801-25. came the Jacksonian, 1825-40. The signifi cance of the Jackson era of Democracy lies in the fact that he was able to build a machine from the rabble or the less educated classes, that enabled him act ually to assert bis claims in conflict with the Constitution and against the idea of Republicanism. He assumed a posi tion between Congress and the people, as it were; as a patriarchal ruler of the re public. The curse of Jackson’s ad sniuistration was that it weakened re spect for law. The first clear symptom ot Patriot*. The twenty years from the defeat of Van Itureu in 1840 to the defeat of Douglas iu 1800 brought additional dis aster and odium upon Democratic ad ministration. The strength of the party has always rested in the Solid South, and the uneducated riffraff of our great •cities. Duriug the years mentioned the Southern Democracy pursued a policy of territorial expansion, not out of patriotic -or broad motives, but for the sole pur pose of increasing the number of slave States, and thus preserve the sectional "balance in the Senate. These years are memorable in history for the struggle for territorial acquisition, the struggle -over the Wilmot Proviso, the Compro mise of 1850, the repeal of the Missouri •Compromise, for the long agony in Kan aas, for the sensational Dred Scott de -ciaion, and for he reconstruction of the •arty on strictly sectional lines. Kapid Moral Decay. Daring .all these weighty history-mak ing years, the Democratic party was the willing accomplice of the Southern slave-holder in his efforts to perpetuate the institution of human slavery and to extend slave labor at the expense of free labor. The sacrifice of principle neces sitated by this relationship led to rapid decay. The party ceased to produce great leaders. Men of conscience and courage, like Thomas H. Benton, left it. The significance of this period is the illustration it gives of the disastrous re sults of a betrayal of principles, to the morals, honor and usefulness of a party. The people have not trusted the Demo cratic party since, except during the two brief nightmares of the Cleveland ad ministrations. Party’s Shameful Record. Founded on the wrong side of moral and political ethics, it spent the first sixty years of its existence along the lines of self-aggrandizement and narrow partisan legislation. While professing in its platforms to be the friend of the masses, it persistenly enacted law* which bound them to penury and dis tress. While publicly advocating a broad, intelligent citizenship, it voted against individual freedom. While beat ing the tom-toms for prosperity to the people, it voted against cheap postage, the Homestead law, and the Resumption of Specie Payment. Claiming to be in favor of a higher standard of living for the workingman, it enacted free-trade measures which sent him into indefinite, enforced idleness, and reduced him and his family to the level of the pauper labor of Europe. Professing the utmost patriotism, it gave all possible aid to the rebellion. Some Comparisons. Contrasted with the grand old Repub lican party: the one abolished slavery, the other upheld it to the last: the one put down the rebellion, the other sup ported the rebellion: the one preserved the National faith and credit, and paid the National debt, the other tried every scheme and expedient to stultify the re public and avoid the debt: the one pre served the standard of value unchanged, the other sought to tamper with it and destroy it. Gats Worse Instead of Better. The professions and promises of the Democratic party, during the past forty three years, and the absence of all per ft nuance are as notorious as ever. They show the lack of ideas, or purpose, but abound in hypocritical dogmas and flatulent pretenses. It has “reversed'’ itself on almost every important Na tional measure and brought upon itself the ridicule of right-thinking people. Apropos of this deplorable condition in the party, “Mr. Dooley” proposed the following want ad., a little while before the St. Louis convention: “WANTED—A good, active, eiiergotie Dimmycrat, sthrnng lv lung an' limb; must be in favor iv sound money, but not too sound: an' auti-impeeryalist. lint fr boldin’ onto what we’ve got; an inimy of thrusts, hut a friend iv organized capital; a sympathizer with th’ crushed an' down throdden people, but not be anny means hostile to vest'd lnthrests; must advocate sthrikes, gover’mlnt be injunctiou, free sil ver, sound money, greenbacks, a single tax. a tariff fr rtvinoo, th’ const it ootlon to follow th’ tbiz as far as it can, an’ no farther; civil service rayform lv th' la'ads in office, an' all th' gr-reat an’ glorymis principles lv our gr-reat an' gioryous party, or anuy gr-reat an’ gioryous parts thereof. He must be akelly at home in Wall street au' th’ stock yards, in th' parlors lv th' r rich an' th' kitchens iv th' poor.” Clevelandisui and Democracy. During Cleveland’s administration our National debt increased a half million dollars a day in the face of the party's promise of better times. Each day we lost half a million dollars in foreign trade. During that administration the value of farm products decreased more than live hundred million dollars. Dis trust and panic paralyzed the great in dustrial system of the country. Banks closed their doors; business houses as signed: the balance of trade was against us; capital withdrew from the fields of legitimate enterprise into secret places; ! labor was forced into unwilling idleness; | we had deserted mills, smokeless faeto ! ries, silent machinery. We had tramps | and beggars, industrial armies, starving women and children. Two million able bodied men were begging for work— , the opportunity to earn bread for tbeir starving families. Unworthy of Existence. This happened during the administra tion of the Democratic party which dur ing fifty years has added nothing to progress, nothing to the cause of liberty, nothing to freedom, nothing to the glory of onr common country. This is the party that, no matter what it promises. , always goes into partnership with ealam : itv. It feeds on disaster and fattens on : despair. The only time it has had con | trol of this country during this gener ; at ion, it shut the doors of industry and j clothed labor in rags. It fought under 11lie dishonored banner of free silver, it i opposed keeping our Hag in the Orient, and advocated that it lie lowered in retreat and trailed in the dust of dis honor. Such is a part of the record of the party of calamity, professions and promises—the oft-defeated, discouraged. ; disorganized, disgraced, divided, decrepit old Democratic party. It stands to-day without an issue, without a principle, without a policy, without a platform, without a leader and without hope. | Iu closing we quote S. E. Ivisor. of the Nebraska Independent, who puts these words in Bryan’s mouth as regards Parker and his party: “Bryan's Position. “Friends and conntrynien. let’s trust him— 1 Though he’s not u man to trust— i Let’s endeavor to elect him. ! Though his cause Is far from Just; I have put away a’l rancor As I promised them I would, I am for the splendid ticket, j Though It isn’t auy good. "Let ua gird ourselves for battle— But I hope we cannot win— Let us pray to be successful. Though success would be a sin; Let ns give the people’s banner I I nto him to nobly bear. Bat It’s dangerous to do It, | For he isn’t on the square. I “Let us wave our hats for Parker, The poor tool of foxy Dave: > Let us test our hopes upon him. 1 Though he’s Mammon's cringing slave! Let us raise him up to power, I Help to send him whooping through, But remember—here I warn you— You’ll be sorry if yon do.” “In the orderly administration of affairs of the Government It is neces sary thst each of the three depart ments should repose trnst and confi dence in the sets of the others performed within their proper sphere of setion. We mnst proceed npon the assumption that tbs executive depart ment* within its constitutional prero* natives* is actuated by proper motives, j amd that it ia aa regardful ot the good ns* of the country as either the legislative or the Judicial depart manta,”—From Senator Falrbaaks’s speech on * JUDGE PARKER. After His Telegram. After His Speech. _(Copyright, 1004. Itopro.lucpil by perm lsslon of the Chicago Chronicle and the New York Evening Mall.) EDUCATION IN POLITICS. Parkar Talks of It. bnt Belies on the Ktreugtli of Tammany. 0 . Judge Paiker says this: “Whenever a great question o? public importance lias arisen, it lias been pre sented and championed through the press and on the rostrum by the educated thinkers of the country, who, for tlie time being, are the real leaders, and under whose banners the organization leaders hasten to marshal their forces lest their power shall be overthrown.” What Judge Parker has said above is true and right and sensible. But what, after the expression of such an opinion, is Judge Parker’s course? It is very trite that the educated thinkers of the country should conduct the af fairs of the country. But what is Judge Parker doing? Upon what and whom does Judge Parker rely for carrying the State of New York; oue of the States, the influence of whose electoral votes is great in the results of the Presidential campaign. He relies upon au un-Amer ican combination known as Tammany Hall. It is absolutely impossible that the man could hope to carry his own State without the aid of this most cor rupt organization, In the greatest city of the country—an organization that has simply Become an enormous Tester upon the State in which it exists. Blit it has been accepted in all exigencies, by the Democratic party, which, to the credit of that party, is a little above Tammany. How ridiculous, under the circum stances. is the attitude of the more or less qualitied jurist who lives in Eso pns! Think of a man who even talks of the influence of the educated man in politics and who at the same time must depend entirely for his success, in the State of New York, upon a conglomera tion of the most uneducated and vicious elements ever gathered together in the making of a political pool in a great city. It is hard to say it, but Mr. Dark er cannot even afford to be respectable in his explanations. He cannot afford to talk about educated people or about educated influence back of him, or about ali that is good and broad and culti vated back of him because, without Tammany hack of him in his own State, he has not the shadow of a hope, and Tammany is the worst fpree there is politically—a discredit to the country. _Tlii* I. >»-- -- -» ’ _fru-i tlif* statement of the thing. If this re spectable jurist up in Esopus pretends to say that the educated human beings in this country can, under any circum stances. be with him, why, necessarily, he must cut himself away from Tam many. But politically be cannot afford to < ut himself away from Tammany— and there yon are! One almost sympa thizes with the middle-aged gentleman at Esopus. IN THE DAYS OF OLD ESOPUS A Song of 190*. In the days of old Esopus. Are you ou? In the days of old Esopus. Are you on? In the days of old Esopus Hill tried very hard to rope ns. Are you on. are you on, are yon on 1 Hill said. “Boys, I'll leave the town when we arrive. If to win the raee for my man yon'U but strive. But he never did get there, And we really didn't care— Are you on, are you on, are yon oat In the days of old Esopus, Are you out In the days of old Esopus, Are you ont In the days of old Esopus What a foolish way to dope ua, Are you on, are you on, arc yoa oat Parker Ia the Hop* of Trust*. (New York Tribune.) James J. Hill’s selection of Judge Parker as bis candidate is significant. He is angry with President Roosevelt simply and solely for interfering with Ins lawless schemes to monopolise the railway traffic of the Northwest. He turns to Democracy and Judge Parker because he sees in them license to work his sovereign and imperious will ia the domain of business without restraint on the part of the government. And Mr. J. J. Hill is an able, experienced, hand headed man, who knows what he is about. He is not in the habit of baying gold bricks. During the last Democratic adminis tration the government borrowed hun dreds of millions of dollars daring a time of profound peace, to pay carrpnt ex penses. During the McKinley adminis tration it prosecuted a foreign war to: a successful conclusion without borrow-, ing a cent, and since the war closed all *».---Ml ■ . WHOM SHALL WE HIRE? An Untried Mini or One Who Hu Mode o Good Becord. • The good results of the affaire of a nation depend almost absolutely upon it* relations with other nations. There fsu under the present condition of thought and affairs, an advancement in the world—a community of nations. The one among those nations which exhibits the greatest honesty and tact and com mon sense, is the nation which will be to the fore. Under the administration of the party that is now controlling the affairs of the United 8tates has occurred such ex traordinary diplomatic saccess as has perhaps never been excelled by any na tion at any time. This success has ac ed because of the tact and sense of present President of the United States, assisted by his Secretary of State. The record has been something extraordinary, and all the civilized world has recognized it. Tact and sense are just as much a requisite in the conduct of the affairs of • nation as they are in the affairs of a corporation or an individual. We reward those who exhibit tact and sense by continuing them in place, for our own benefit. The conclusion need hardly be expressed. Any American citizen of intelligence will know whom to vote for this fall. Cannot Be Trusted. (Albany (N. Y.) Journal.! The people of this country have learn ed by sad experience that no matter who is the individual to lead the Democratic party in the national conflict, they cannot -trust the Democratic party when in p«w«r to do the right thing at the right time. HOarlag the seven years that havo Inst passed there ta no duty. domestic or foreign, which we have shirked! no 'ascmary task which we have feared undertake, or which we have not performed with reasonable efficiency, ^e have never pleaded impotence. have nevey songht refuge in criti cal and complaint instead of action, deface the future with our paet and bar prasent as gaaraatore of oar prom* toss, and we are content to etaad or to fall by the record which wa have ■«*. UNSAFE! UNSAFE! UNSAFE! Democratic Charge Against President Roosevelt that Is Without Foundation. SAFEST MAN IN COUNTRY Tbrte Years fa ike White Hoose sad at No Time Has Aaythiaf Been Dose that Did Not Tend Toward Peace with All the World. When the bitter personal attacks oa Theodore Roosevelt are analysed, and when a Democratic agitator is asked to define his opposition to the President, the inevitable reply is that “Roosevelt is an unsafe man." Now, is he? What makes an unaafe man? When is a man safe and when ia he danger ous? How sre we to judge s man— by what he has done or by what some one says he may do? Are we justified in caltiog a man unsafe who has all bis life been eminently safe? Is not a man entitled to the reputation he makea for himself? For three years Theodore Roosevelt has had absolute power, as President of the United States, and yet during that three years, although called to the great office suddenly, as the result of a hor rible murder, he has never lost his head. He has never done a dangerous thing, he has at no time involved the country in difficulties, either at home er abroad. False Predictions. Immediately following the murder of William McKinley predictions were freely made in the Democratic press that President Roosevelt would involve the country in war. Has be done so? It was also freely predicted that he would break with the Republican ma jority in the House and the Senate, and that he would insist on having his own way, disregarding the advice of the time-honored leaders of the party. Has he done so? Does not every one know, on the con trary, that the conditions of peace be tween the United States and the rest of the world were never more securely anchored than to-day? This has not been because the President has not had an opportunity to go to war. Thera have been half a dozen suoh opportuni ties at the very least aince he became President, when, if he had been the oa ! safe man he was alleged to be, he might easily have involved us in war with ooa or more of the great powers of Europe. He has met every diplomatic emergency with rough and ready diplomacy and ex traordinary tact, which have won for the United States the respect of the civil ized world. Record in Diplomacy. Look over the record of the Stake De partment under Theodore Roosevelt for the last three years, and see bow much has been accomplished to uphold the dig nity and the honor of the United States, without at any time causing the slight est apprehension of foreign war. It was during the present ad mini strati on that • special commission was appointed to ad just the disputed boundary between Alas ka and the Dominion of Canada. Some of the Canadian people and papers talked rather savagely. There was every op portunity for a misstep on the part of the United States. A little too much bluster, a little too prououuced brag, failure in tact at the proper moment, a substitution of timidity for bravery, or of rashness for conservatism by Theo dore Roosevelt would have fanned the feeling in Canada into a dangerous flame. The Alaska boundary was aa inheritance from the McKinley admin istration. but it was safely settled un der Roosevelt, settled to the credit of the United States, settled without the loss of an iuch of American territory, and settled, too, without the destruction of the frieudly feeling between Great Britain and the United States. When Germany and England were at the throats of the little republic of Venezuela, an unsafe President might easily have involved us in -war with those two countries, and a timid Presi- . dent might easily have brought upon the flag the shame of the rest of the world. Russia and Japan have been at war. Tlie sentiment of the people in this country has been largely in favor of Japan. Yet John Hay, the wise and dis creet Secretary of State, appointed by McKinley and unhesitatingly retained by Roosevelt, has so successfully direct ed the course of American diplomacy that the United States to-day is as much the frh ad of Russia as it is of the ifetle fighting-cock, Japan. The United Statee, in fact, has dictated the diplomatic con duct of hostilities between Russia and Japan. This country has dominated the situation, and yet at no time has there been the sligthest danger that we might become embroiled with any foreign na tion. Safe Every Dty in the Yeer. These are the actual results of three years of the foreign policy of Theodore Roosevelt, the man who. when he en tered the White House as the result of a murderous bullet, was by his political ad versaries lectured to the other nations at the world as a braggart aud e swash buckler. He has been safe, always safe, every day aud every hour, since he has been President of the Uuited States. He has uever lowered the American hag te anybody, he has never beeu forced to apologize and he has conducted every episode of our foreign policy, with the advice of John Hay, in such a way as to preserve the honor of the American Republic, aud to gain the respect of the sovereigns of the world. There is net a king, nor au emperor, nor a president, nor a potentate f^gm Pekiu to Timbuctoe who does not know to-day that Theo dore Roosevelt is of the best American type, honest, frank, courageous, sensi ble. and always safe for those who treat him fairly. Men of the Roosevelt type are unsafe only to the dishouest, to the disturbers of the peace of nations, to the graft are .at home and the grabbers abroad, to the manipulators of markets and the wreck ers of nations. To the honest men, te the people of the home and the flrtehla. to the good, king and to the good eabject* the Roosevelt tvne is H«. ihimm im