ROOSEVELT’S RINGING
LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE.
A Document Breathing with the Life
of Patriotism and National
Duty.
VITAL ISSUE DECLARED TO BE PROSPERITY
Government in the Philippines by Tagalogs Would Be Equiv
alent lo Government in America by Indian Tribes—
New Duties and Problems for the Nation.
Oov. Theodore Roosevelt has complet
ed (he formal acceptance o£ the Repub
lican nomination (or Vice-President. IUh
letter bear* an Oyster Bay date and is
directed to Senator Edward (). Wolcott
of the notification committee. It reads;
To Edward O. Wolcott. Chairman
Committee on Notification of Viee-Presi
dent—Sir: 1' accept the nomination us
Vice-President of tlie United Stales, ten
dered me by the Republican national con
vent ion. with a very deep sense of the
honor conferred upon me and with an In
finitely deeper sense of the vitHl Impor
tance to the whole country of securing
the re-election of President McKinley.
The nation’s welfare is at stake We
must itintinuo the work which has been
so well begun during the present adminis
tration. We must show in fashion in
capable of being misunderstood that the
American people, al the beginning of the
twentieth century, face their duties in a
Calm mid serious spirit; that they have
no Intention of permitting folly or law
lessness to mar the extraordinary mate
rial well being which they have attained
fit home, nor yet of permitting their ling
to he dishonored abroad.
Kettrw Disaster It Democrats Win.
I feel that this contest i* by no means
one merely between Republicans and
iJeuiocrata. We have a right to appeal
to all good citizens who are far-sighted
enough to see what the honor und the
Interest of the nation demand.
To put into practice the principles em
bodied in the Kansas City platform
would mean grave disaster to the nation;
for that platform stands for reaction and
disorder; for an upsetting of our finan
cial system which would mean not only
great suffering but the abandonment of
the nation’s good faith; and for a policy
abroad which would imply the dishonor
Of the Hag and an unworthy surrender of
our national rights. Its Mirrens would
mean unspeakable humiliation to men
proud of their country, jealous of their
country's good name, and desirous of se
curing the welfare of their fellow-citi
Bens. Therefore, we have a right to ap
peal to all good men. North and Smith,
East and West, whatever their polities
may have been in the past, to stand with
us. tie cause we stand for the prosperity
of the country and for the renown of
the American flag.
Prosperity the Great Inane.
The most important of nil problems is,
of course, that pf securing pood govern
ment and moral Hnd material well-being
within our own borders. Great though
the need is that the nation should do its
Work well abroad, even Ibis comes second
to the thorough performance of duty at
borne. Under the administration of Pres
ident McKinley this country lias been
blessed with a degree of prosperity ab
solutely unparalleled, even in its previ
ous prosperous history.
While it is, of course, true that no leg
islation and no administration can tiring
success to those who are not stout of
heart, cool of head und ready of baud,
yet it is no less true that the individual
capacity of euch man to get good results
for himself can be absolutely destroyed
by bad legislation or bad administration,
while under the reverse conditions the
power of the individual to do good work
is assured and stimulated. Tills is what
has been done under the administration
of President McKinley. Thanks to his
actions and to the wise legislation of
Congress on the tariff and finance, the
conditions of our industrial life have been
rendered more favorable than ever be
fore, and they have been taken advan
tage of to the full by American thrift, in
dustry and enterprise. Order has been
observed, the courts upheld and the full
est liberty secured to all citisens. The
merchant and manufacturer, but above
ail the farmer and the wage worker have
profited by this state of things.
Uependent on KiiiHnclal Uuratton.
Fundamentally and primarily the pres
ent routes! is a contest for the eontinu
ence of the conditions which have told
1u favor of our material welfare and of
our civil and political integrity. If this
nation is to retain either its weil-lieing
or ita self respect It cannot afford to
plunge into financial nnd economic chauw;
it cannot afford to indorse governmental
theories which would unsettle the stand
nrd of national honesty and destroy the
integrity of our system of Justice
The (Hibey of the free coinage of silver
at a ratio of It! to I is a policy fraught
with deatineti.nl to every home in the
land It mean* unsold misery to the
head of every household, and. above ati.
Is the w omen and children of every home.
A* to lUMiumin \i#n oh *»M*rr.
N' to ii our op(nn.ri t* cttAmpi n fi*«
•iltnr at l«i to t tit*) am riilmr linuut-w*
or Mimr In Ihrlr altitml*. If invit
im In Iknr «ttampo>u4ii|i of
Cvitra* tutmi all i:*M iu kwiiof or tup
pid »a an* gruuial If ulanvm, tk*a »>»•*
am a ****** tu tk* wotfara of ik* -win
lrjr \\ n*i(o r tkfp *K. it it,no- «.< .t*r
pinpuMv if »i*r*lj akbpK it hmim Hut
HttW I li *!*•• *av* •• it nrt* it tk* i
*«a boa**t.t V j Imu* can t** para* »at
In rto .*»»• (a*) iku* hmIi. for tn* par
aaiouatt) of took an i»*on u lv Iw
boat «o>t a a k* tka Jo In* of aut mi
•# tool. ,.f ana, fe tt !.j .it* i* t taat t
IIUU) t*«lt Ik* *«it Wiki at Mti)
knata in ifc* Into!
Tka kata. ni *n*ak. a » a n*>» af an* k
far taankma a at I,*ut*n4utM intp n«tt »
ta ik* anti -anl vaitara ikai U r»* an**#
ka iai*ot * pwil fatlk nakaa* tkta ira
mentions importance is not merely cnn
ceilotl but insisted on. Men who are not
willing to make such hii issue paramount
have no possible justification for raising
it at ail, for under such circumstances
their act cannot undrr any conceivable
circumstances do might but grave harm,
(•old Masts Must Htund.
The success of the party representing
the principles embodied in the Kansas
City platform would bring about the de
struction of nil the conditions necessary
to the continuance of our prosperity, ft
would also unsettle our whole govern
mental system, and would therefore dis
arrange ail the vast and delicate machin
ery of our complex industrial life. Above
all, the effect would lie ruinous to our
finances. If we are to prosper, the cur
rency of this country must tie bused up
on the gold dollar worth 100 cents.
The stability of our currency lias iieen
greatly increased by the excellent finun
cinl act passed by the Inst Congress.
Hut no lnw can secure our finances
against tile effect of unwise and disas
trous management In the hands of un
friendly administrators. No party can
safely tie intrusted with the management
of our national affairs unless It accepts
ns axiomatic tlie truths recognised in all
progressive countries us essential to a
sound and proper system of finance, in
their essence these must lie the same for
all great civilised peoples.
> Hal i.nic Miiiin lor nnur-narntn.
In different stages of development dif
ferent countries face varying economic
eonditions, hut at every stage and under
all circumstances tile most important ele
tnent in securing tlieir economic well-be
ing is sound linance, honest money. So
intimate is tin* connection between Indus
trial prosperity and a sound currency
that tlie former is jeopardized not mere
ly by unsound linance, but by the very
threat of unsound finance.
The business man and the farmer are
vitally interested in this question; but no
man's interest is so great as that of the
wage-worker. A depreciated cnrrency
means loss and disaster to the business
man; but it means grim suffering to the
i wage-worker. The capitalist will lose
much of his capital and will suffer wear
ing anxiety and the loss of many com
forts; but the wage-worker who loses his
wages must suffer and see his wife and
children suffer for the actual necessities
of life. The one absolutely vital need
of our whole industrial system is sound
money.
One of the serious problems with which
we are confronted under the eonditions
of our modern industrial civilization is
that presented by the great business com
binations which are generally known un
der the name of trust*.
The problem is an exceedingly difficult
one aud the difficulty is immensely ag
gravated both by honeitt but wrong
headed attacks on our whole industrial
system in the effort to remove some of
the evils connected with it, and by the
mischievous advice of men who either
think crookedly or who advance remedies
knowing them to lie ineffective, hut deem
ing that they may, by darkening coun
sel, Hchieve for themselves a spurious
reputation for wisdom.
No good whatever is subserved by in
discriminate denunciation of corporations
generally and of u 11 forms of industrial
combination In particular; and when this
public denunciation is accompanied by
private membership in the great corpora
tions denounced, the effect is, of course,
to give an air of insincerity to the whole
movement. Nevertheless, there are reul
abuses, Hnd there is ample reason for
striving to remedy these abuses. A crude
or ill-considered effort to remedy them
would either be absolutely without efft-et
or els*- would simply do damage.
I’lan for l-'edentl Interference.
The first thing to do is to find out the
facts; and for this purpose publicity as
to capitalization, profit* ami uil else of
importance to the public, i* the most u*e
f it I measure The more fnct of this pub
licity would in lt*elf remedy certain evils,
uud. a* to the others, it would in some
• a->c* point out the remedies, and would
at least enable n* to tell whether or no<
certain proposed remedies would be use
ful. Tile State acting in it* collective ca
pacity wou d thus tiiet find out the facts
and then tie aide to take such measures
a* wUdotii dictated Much can he done
by taxation Keen wore can Ik- done hr
regulation, by i lose supervision and the
unsparing excision of ad unhealthy, de
structive and ant) social elements.
The separate I*'ate governments can
d* a great deal; and where they decline
to in >p« talc the national government
must step in.
Mutt II* IWala mth 11 tut Htea.
While imylng h« ! i the ku'twll) ef
k>e|)iii( >ur hone* In >e>l»l tl hum# the
\tuerl'an |*eu(>l# > iflifl. If I he} m tab Iw
rutaiii their aelf iea(te« |, refrain frnut
4<Niit their 4«ttf a« a (real naima in the
w»r.il
The h.tiurj tl the native la it lai**
(•art the thho •>( the eathta'e ett*an
•t<>n Wire* the Aral ■••ai.ueuiai ret
g.*«aa mat u Uh>nj llall «i»l *h* thir
■ « ■ t * . . ■ * l Ih i eel»*»
a uti'et iha •#•»• art! limit *1 the earn*
.Hi*, a I \ • a' ar. i .< > .
It m h'<te «ln> mg the retuiaimnarp
«tr the aeth ef ttgttwa »ttl *• hit
imlt, fenneaaee amt the gr*«< >*»U
* ei then ke *t aa the |..u»«ta >-*»■»> r|
ana r ■« a gee re* fr»m egf ehtte a«4 la
4taa feea te-tag the re«»‘e'enter} at a*
git*, and were confirmed to os by the j
treaty of peace in 1788.
Yet the land thus confirmed was not
then Riven to us. It was held by an
alien foe until the army under Oen. Au
thouy Wayne freed Ohio from the red
man. while the treaties of Jay and Pinok
ney secured from the Spanish awl Brit
ish Matches and Detroit.
Louisiana Purchase and Philippine*.
To 1803. under President Jefferson, the
greatest single stride in expansion that
we ever took was taken by the purchase
of the Louisiana territory. This so-called
Louisiana, which Included what, are now
the States of Arkansas, Missouri, Louis
iana, Iowa, Minnesota. Kansas, Nebras
ka, North and Mouth Dakota, Idaho,
Montana aud a large part of Colorado
aud Utah, was acquired by treaty and
purchase under President Jefferson ex
actly aud precisely os the Philippines
have been acquired by treaty and pur
chase under President McKinley.
The doctrine of "the consent of the
governed,” the doctrine previously enun
ciated by Jefferson iu the Deelaratlou of
Independence, was not held l<y him or by
any other sane man to apply to the In
dian tribes iu tbe Louisiana territory
which he thus acquired, and there was
no vote taken even of the white inhub
i I ants, not to speak of the negroes and
Indiana, ns to whether they were willing
tliftt tlk'ir territory should be annexed.
The great majority of the inhabitants,
white aud colored alike, were bitterly op
posed to the transfer,
Jefferson Forced Consent.
An armed force of United States sol
diers had to be hastily stmt Into the ter
ritory to prevent insurrection, President
Jefferson sending these troops to Louisi
una for exactly the same reasons and
with exactly the same purpose that Pres
ident McKinley has mitt troops to the
Philippines.
Jefferson distinctly stated that the
Iyouisinninns were "not fit or ready for
self-government," and years elapsed be
fore they were given self-government,
Jefferson appointing the governor and
other officials without any consultation
with the Inhabitants of the newly ac
quired territory. The doctrine that the
“constitution follows the flag" was not
then even considered either by Jefferson
or by any other serious party leader, for
it never entered their head* that a new
territory should be governed other than
In the way in which the territories of
Ohio and Illinois hod already been gov
erned under Washington aud the elder
Adaina; the theory known by thia utterly
false and misleading phrase was only
struck out In political controversy at a
ihas*. A* in the case of the Philippine*,
Florida was acquired by purchase from
Spain, and in Florida the Seminolea, who
had not been consulted in the sale, re
belled and waged war exactly as some
of the Tagals hare rebelled and waged
war in the Philippines. The Seminole
war lasted for many years, but Presi
dents Monroe, Adams and Jackson de
clined for a moment to consider the ques
tion of abandoning Florida to the Semi
nole*. or to treat their tion-eonaent to the
government of the United States as valid
reason for turning over the territory to
them.
Tn.m and Alaska Were Accession*.
• •ur next acquisition of territory was
that of Texas, secured by treaty after it
had been wrested from the Mexicans by
the Texans themselves. Then came the
acquisition of California, New Mexico,
Arizona. Nevada and part a of Colorado
and Utah as the result of the Mexican
war, supplemented five years later by
tin* Uudsden purchase.
The next acquisition was that of Alas
ka. secured from ltussia h.v treaty und
purchase. Alaska was full of natives,
some of them had advanced well beyond
the stage of savagery and were Chris
tians They were not consulted about
the purchase tior was their acquiescence
required. The purchase was made by
tiic men who had just put through a tri
umphant war to restore the union and free
the slave; but none of them deemed it
necessary to push the doctrine of the
“consent of the governed" to n conclu
sion so fantastic ns to necessitate the
turning over of Alaska to its original
owners, the Indian and the Aleut. For
tbl tj '.vents the United states authori
ties military and civil, exercised the su
preme authority in n tract of land many
tines larger than the Philippines, In
which it did not seem likely that there
would ever he any considerable body of
white inhnbitnntM.
Muvvnii Disprove* Dimmer Idru.
Nearly thirty years passed before the
nexi instance of expansion occurred,
which was over the island of Hawaii. An
effort was made at the end of President
Harrison's administration to secure the
annexation of Hawaii. The effort wan
unsuccessful.
In a debate in Congress on Feb. 2,
1SU4, one of the leaders In opposing the
annexation of the islands stated: "These
islands are more than 2,'NS) miles distant
from our extreme western boundary. We
have a serious race problem now in our
country und I am not in favor of adding
to our domestic fabric u mongrel popu
lation (of this character). Our consti
tution makes no provision for a colonial
THRODORR ROD: RVRLI.
much inter date for the sole purpose of
justifying the extension of slavery into
the territories.
Consent Not Necessary.
'Hie parallel between what Jefferson
did with Louisiana and what is now be
ing done in the Philippines is exnot. Jef
feraon, the author of the declaration of
independence, und of tin* "consent of tin*
governed" doctrine, saw tu incongruity
between this and the establishment of
a government on cotnmon-senae grounds
in the new territory; and he railed at
the sticklers for au impossible applica
tion of bis principle, saying in language
which at the present day applies to the
situation in the Philippines without the
change of a word, "though it is nckuow !
edged that our new fellow-citterns are
us yet as Incapable of self government
ns children, jet some cannot bring them
selves to suspend its principles for n sin
gle moment." lie intended that ulti
mately self-government should be intro
duced throughout the territory, but only
us the different parts became tit for It
and no sooner. This is just the policy
thut has been pursued.
Filipinos an final* of Indlnna.
In no part of the Louisiana purchase
was colli >*t# self government introduced
for a number of years; in otic part of it.
the Indian Territory, it has nut yet been
Introduced, although nearly a, century
ha* elapsed Over elioriootts tracts of It,
including the various Indian reserva
tion*. with a territory In the aggregate
a* large a* that of the Philippines, the
couatitutkon has never yet "followed the
Hag," the army officer and the civilian
agent *1111 eierctae ant born* without
asking tke “eons.-nt of the governed "
We 11111*1 proceed la tke Philippine* with
the urn w!*r caution, taking each tu>
* eastV* step a* it become* desirable, and
*c< omio oiattug the detail* of « ur policy
to lb* peculiar seed* of the »l!ti*tion
Hut *v suon a* lit* prevent revolt U pul
lbs* and order evl*b!i«hevi, ll 4* 111 *11
duulrtediy he possible i* give in Ike 1*1
s ols * targe swtcirv of ** If govern
mat tkau Jdrttus « uatly gave Lout
via ••
klv.oiv Usi l ike t*Mllpi»iwem
ft’s rut gregt pi * it rie*s«MHi wav
tke |iV|»>illt«» of Florida This was
9«(tl) '(.tie >1 bv < •* i>resl «1,4 parti•
kj yatvksw. t . < <* Jt< ks*or let** tl»»
Mstl ynautiM ague n its* *-'t-t*>... *
ll vgi ini'* un.iv r Ihstuin-1 M .*,**,
the efts >«• ion* J *4* kg... .
\Um» ft*tit« hi *+ 4***4 'Ju» $4*
establishment. Any territorial govern
ment we might establish would uecensar
ily, because of the population, be an oli
garchy, which would have to be support
ed by armed soldiers.
Yet Hawaii has now been annexed and
her delegntes have sat in the national
conventions of the two great parties. The
fears then expressed in relation to an
"oligarchy” ami "armed soldiers” are not
now seriously entertained by any human
being; yet they are precisely the objec
tions urged against the acquisition of the
Philippines at tills very moment.
Militarism la Not Involved.
We are making no new departnre.
\Ve are not taking a single step which
in any way afTects our institutions or our
traditional policies. From the beginning
we have given widely varying degrees of
self-government to the different territo
ries, according to their needs.
The simple truth is that there is noth
ing even remotely resembling ••Imperial
ism” or "militarism" involved in the
prescut development of that policy of ex
pansion which has been part of the his
tory of America from the day when she
became a nation. The words mean abso
lately nothing as applied to our present
l~>licy In the Philippine, for this policy
is only imperialistic in the sense that
Jefferson’* policy in Louisiana was impe
rialistic; only military in the sense that
Jackson's policy toward the Meimtube* or
t’uater'a toward the Sloiix embodied noli
tarism; and there U no mote danger of
Its producing evil result* at home now
than there wa* of it* interfering with
freedom under Jefferson or Jackson, »r
in the day* of the Indian wars on the
plain*. I tor army is relatively not
large aa It wa* in the day* of Wayne,
we have not >»ne regular for every 1 t«»i
iuhabtauta There ia n<> more danger of
a draft than there i» of tire ie inirvalu,
non of slavery.
Wlgtil Vo w Sue tea* Mrlael*.
When we expanded over New Nlevtco
and I aliform* we «*• tried t o. govern
■went to these territories and prevented
• Hetr falling under the "militarism” of a
• tn talofshtp tike that »f Mauta Ur, or
the "Imperialism ' of a real .injure in th>
day * of kfatiiuc an W e put a *1 p lo
UMperiab*** in Memo a* soon a* the
I'tvii War rtaol We made a great
anti imperialism *trtde when •« drove
lint Mpamard* from Porto Him *14,1 Ihe
I’h ippiUea and tlvtvkv mad.- read) the i
ground in Iheae island* fur th*t gitadW i
*dy liifVMitg nreasme of veil govern
ment for which their populations are
severally fitted. Cuba is being helped
ulung the path to independence as rapid
ly as her own citizens are content' that
she should go.
Of course the presence of troops in tlie
Philippines during the Tags! insurrection
has no more to do with militarism or im
perialism than had their presence in the
Dakotas, Minnesota and Wyoming dur
ing the many years which elapsed before
the final outbreaks of the Sioux were defi
nitely put down. There is no more mili
tarism or Imperialism in garrisoning Lu
zon until order is restored thun there was
Imperialism in sending soldiers to South
Dakota In ISitO, during the Ogalialla out
break. The reasoning which justifies our
having made war against Sitting Hull
also justilies our having checked the out
breaks of Agttinaido and his follower*, di
rected, as they were, against Filipino and
American alike,
No Abandonment,
Tlie only certain way of rendering it
necessary for our republic to enter on a
career of "militarism” would lie to aban
don the Philippines to their own tribes,
and nt the same time either to guarantee
a atalde government among these tribes
or to guarantee tliein against outside in
terference. A far larger army would lie
required to carry out any such policy
than will he required to secure order
under the American ling; while the pres
ence of this Hag on the islands is really
tlie only possible security against outside
aggression.
The whole argument against President
McKinley's policy in the Philippines be
comes absurd when it is conceded that we
should, to quote tile language of tlie Kan
sas Pity platform, "give to the Philip
pines first a stable form of government."
If they are now entitled to independence,
they are also entitled to decide for them
selves whether their government shall be
stable or unstable, civilized or savage, or
whether they shall have any government
nt all; while it is, of course, equally evi
dent that under such conditions we have
no right whatever to guarantee them
against outside interference any more
than we have to make such a guaranty In
the ease of the Hovers (who are merely
the Chinese analogues of Aguiiialdo's fol
lowers).
If we have u right to establish n stable
government in the islands it necessarily
follow* (hat it is not only our right but
our duty to support that government iiu
tii the natives gradually grow lit to sus
tain It themselves. How else will it be
atalde? The minute we leave it, it ceasea
to be stiilde.
Now n UnMtlnn of Contraction.
Properly speaking, the question is now
not whether we shall expand- for we
have already expanded lint whether we
shall contract. The Philippine* are now
part of American territory. To aurren
der them w ould lie to surrender American
territory. They must, of course, he gov
erned primarily In the interests of their
own citizens, ttur tirst cure must be for
the people of the islands which lime
come under our guardianship its a result
of the most righteous foreign war that
has been waged within the memory of
the present generation, They must he
administered in the interests of their in
habitants, and that necessarily means
that any question of personal or partisan
politics in their administration must lie
entirely eliminated.
Wo must continue to put ut the heads
of affairs in the different islands such
men as (Jen. Wood, llov. Allen and
Judge Taft; and It is n most fortunate
thing that we are able to illustrate what
ought to be done in the way of sending
officers thither hy |iointing out what ac
tually has been done. The minor places
in their administration, where it is im
possible to fill them hy natives, must he
filled hy the strictest application of the
merit system.
1't is very important that in our own
home administration the merely minis
terial and administrative others, where
the duties are entirely non-politieul, shall
lie filled absolutely without reference to
partisan affiliations; hut ttiis is many
times more important in the newly ac
quired islands. The merit system is iu
its essence as democratic as our com
mon school system, for it simply means
equal chances and fair play for all.
Parallel with In-llan (loveriiinent.
It mutn be remembered always that
governing these islands in the interest of
the inhabitants may not necessarily in
to govern them as the inhabitants at the
moment prefer, to grant self-government
to Luzon under Agitinaldo would lie like
granting self-government to an Apache
reservation under some ioeul chief; and
this is no more altered by the fact that
the Filipinos fought the Spaniards than
it would Ik- by the fact that Apaches
have long been trained and employed in
tile United States army and have ren
dered signal service therein; just as the
Pawnees did under tin- administration of
President tjruut; just us the Stoekbrldge
Indians did in the days of lien. Wash
ington, and the friendly tribes of the six
nations in the days of President Madison
There are now in the United State
communities of Indiana which have ad
vanced so far that it has been possible
to embody them as a whole in our po
litical system, ail the members of the
tribe becoming United Stales citizens
There are other communities where the
hulk of tile tribe are still too wild for it
to is- possible to take such a step. There
are individuals among the Apaches, Paw
iiis-s, Iroquois, Si.uiv and other tribes
who are now United Stales citizens an-1
wlto are entitled to stand, am! do stand,
on an absolute equality wl>t all mn i-iti
M-M of pure white blood Me|| of Indian
blood are now serving in tie army ami
navy and in t‘oiigfess no! occupy high
position Imth in the business and the po
litical world.
Ki I - piii->•' Hope of loiter I v.
There Is every reason why us rapidly
as au Indian, or any !•<»!> of Imb,,i. .
become* fit for self government, in or r
should be grant ml tile f iil, ,t equality
With the whiles, but I hr re w ollirt be i o
ju.titicatiou whatever in treating m.s
rubes to Work out their own lie struct loti
t.l r. tlv the satin reasoning applies in tire
rasa of tin Philippine* I -> turu ..ret
it... Islands to \g t- ti-io and U * t .. w
els would Hot he to gt.r srif g ret turn nt
to ike isian-ters' un-lei n-• t-iteuM < antes
eminent They w "Hi rttlqdy Is- pul at
the nterr* Ml a sywde am »f * 'him *.- half
It at irk far uenv freely than ever It dour
I shed a wrier I'weed, w klh It rail Mrs. q.
!*»•*»t-m woutd ohaa.n to a ■•niy
p rsstkw a...h r sash an •• -gars kjt \ - afs
truly, I llt tiio .Kt, U<H.s»;\ kil l
"THERE IS AO SUCH Ml) AS
RETREAT. BOtS; t'HARUE!”
McKinley Forty Years Ago and To-Day
Has the Same Principles.
“There is no such word as retreat,
boys; charge.”
These words were those of Maj. Mc
Kinley nearly forty years ago. They pic
ture the character of the President of
to day as of the soldier of 18tl2.
Thomas O’Callahan, with one eya
blinded and one ear closed to sound for
ever by a bullet wound received under the
national colors at Gettysburg, is now a
resident of Fort Collins. He served
through the war with distinguished brav
ery.
"I served under President McKinley
in lstid and have met him frequently
since. Every meeting brings hack to me
one of the most patriotic expressions that
ever passed the lips of a soldier. A par
ty of forty men under the then Maj.
McKinley went on scouting duty. They
were perilous times then.
“All went well until we reached the
top of a hill and unexpectedly ran into
a body of ‘Johnnies' numbering between
lit to and 400. They were in ambush,
drawn up in tiring line und awaiting our
approach. Our first knowledge of their
presence in the umlmsh was a volley
which brought down our three front four*
of horses and men.
"‘Retreat!' our captain shouted.
“ ‘There Is tio such word as retreat,
hoys; charge!' came n second order, this
time front Maj. McKinley, who, drawing
his sword, dashed ahead, followed by ev
ery one of our men except those who had
given their lives to the cause. The ene
my were completely astounded and at our
charge retreated in confusion.”
“Before we started on this scouting
expedition we were ordered to take three
'lays' provisions. I had a sack of pound
ed oats on the pommel of my saddle.
After the rout of the enemy I turned
the oats out to feed my horse, mid found
fifteen hulleta In the sack. My horse was
wounded, as waa Maj. McKinley's, mid
his sword hill whs cut to pieces by bul
lets. Maj. McKinley laughingly called
attention to it, and at the same time
complimenting his men on their bravery,
remarked;
“ 'You have done me a great favor,
boys, and if it ever lies in my power, I’ll
reciprocate.’ ”
“DEAR BOY” LETTERS—NO. 7
My Dear Boy:
You inform me that John Jones, Tom
Bendy and old Harry Weldon say that
fhey are going to vote for McKinley
and J loose veil, but that they will vot«
against our Congressman, now u candi
date for re-election.
Well, the Republican party is very
much like Bro. Robinson's church. Hro.
Brown and Bro. Robinson, two clerical
friends of mine, were talking about the
churches under their care. Bro. Brown
said:
"My church has a large membership,
but only about one-fourth of them are ac
tive members.”
Bro. Robinson replied:
"My church members are all active.
The lust one of them is active. Those
who won't do anything else will kick."
The Republican party is a very aetive
organization. There is nothing dead
about it. The last one of its mighty
membership is doing something, and it is
not surprising that some of this aetivity
should display itself in kicking. Jones,
Bcntly and Weldon huve lined up with
the kickers.
Now, I am sorry. I will tell you why
I am sorry. In my judgment, the lead
ers of the Democratic party have very
little hope of electing Mr. Bryan, but
they do hope to elect a Democratic House
of Representatives. They do expect to
paralyze legislation, tie McKinley's
hands, block tho wheels of the nation’s
progress, and cripple the ship of state
right in the midst of the breakers that
surround it. Ami their hope lies in the
kicking of such men ns Jones, Beutly and
Weldon.
I' happen to know just what is the
matter with those three men. Jones fail
ed to he appointed postmaster at 8que
dunk Station. Bcntly didn’t get to take
the census in I’awpaw township, and
Weldon thinks he ought to have his pen
sion increased to twenty-four dollars a
month, and the department decided that
fourteen dollars was enough. Bach of
them thinks that his representative in
Congress is to blame for his failure to
get what he wanted. Heuce the kick
ing.
Now, I do not ill tempt to solve the per
sonal equation in either of these three
eases. Perhaps Jones would be a very
good postmaster nt Hquedunlc. It may
be that Ileiilly was the most competent
persou to take the census in Pawpaw
township. For aught I know Weldon
ought to have a pension of twenty-four
dollars a month, nlthougli I doubt wheth
er he is more disabled than myself aud
I get only eight dollars and am not kick
ing about it. 1 could use more to very
good advantage, but aui thankful for
what I have.
Why, my boy. we are entering upon
wonderful tinn'*. The ancient civilisa
tion of the itriciit is crumbling. Tha
i- amls of the *ea are lieiug transformed.
. The t ’li list in n nations are coming tv
| .-ether. America, with her Inexhaustible
‘ source*. Inr intelligence aud freedom
I f thought, he eio.gy and inventive
S'-ltiils, I* be. o ,ng the foremost factor
I it the i- ug it generate it of the world,
\ ol at the head -if thi* great nation
I mds W Hen McKinley, enduring the
I .*! t wiieinl uis attain which has come
“»u <tn> Pres lent silicv l.ini-oiti's slay.
| III* wise, difciftrd falthfulns *« cum
j H ind* th«* rs-spe* t and confidence of the
lie should be teelest.-d aud
ottul Itavi a Congress upon wllssUi he
lu vn-w of the** great things, ho*
small tio p*‘*iu, oil-1 » pia<e at Msim-dunh
iitd such trtlliug pet tonal matter# ap
II -e there *as a man *hu trr.lcd a
. I faint I t a dtlnh of *hiahy aud a
i e i| of t”t- ’ lo, t'.ote tetts Us ot
>!•*« *oo * .-I his hi.thtight for a m*
f putage tradition inborn* a* of a
| man • to. «ut uf his aw to spit* his face,
Vt l of su n are Janes. Itruiiy and Wei
> t • ! • g» lo Usd
j 1 os -U In great thing*
Mr ho, this i* net the year to hog,
! I I, os *o these It t y. lots I UK 4
Mi M il Yot M »4*JJKft.
