The Nebraska independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1896-1902, June 19, 1902, Page 4, Image 4

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    Zb ntbraskallndiptndtnt
Lincoln, ntbraska.
PRESSE BLDO., CORNER I3th AND N STS.
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY.
FOURTEENTH YB AB.
SLOO PER YEAR IN ADVANCE
.Wbta making remittance do not leave
money, with news agencies, postmasters, ; etc.,
to be, forwarded by them. They frequently
forget or remit a- different amount than was
left with them, and the subscriber fails to get
proper credit.
Address" all communications, and make all
draf is, 'money orders, etc., payable to
the Hebraska Indtptndtnt,
"" Lincoln, Neb.
Anonymous communications will not -'.'bo
noticed. Rejected manuscript will not b
returned.
ONE FARC FOR BOUND TRIP
There Is an old adage something to
the effect that "the shoemaker's, wife
and the blacksmith's mare always run
with "their feet 'bare." This seems to
be the rule applying to The Indepen
dent last week. The following letter
was sent to 120 . populist and demo
cratic newspapers on June 9 and was
published in a great many of them.
In the hurry to get out the letters in
order that the news might be dis
seminated as widely as possible our
own columns were overlooked: ;
"Lincoln, Neb., June 9, 1902. Edi
tor: I beg to announce that the
chairman of the .Western Passenger
association has advised me that, for
the populist and democratic conven
tions at Grand Island, the lines of
railroad under his jurisdiction have
consented to the following arrange
ment: . .
"Rate of one fare from points in Ne
braska to Grand Island and return;
excursion tickets to be sold on June 23
and 24, 1902, good for return passage
until June 27. Tickets limited for
going passage commencing date of
sale for continuous passage in each
direction.
"This is an open excursion rate of
one fare for .the round trip, and it
will not be necessary to ask for a re
ceipt with ticket. Kindly publish the
fact that this rate has been made, and
about the 18th or 20th of June Inquire
If your railroad agent has received
the necessary bulletins authorizing
him to issue tickets in accordance with
the above. ; . ' '
CHARLES Q. DE FRANCE,
Chairman."
. The army can do no wrong!
Populist principles go marching on.
At the recent election Oregon adopted
.the initiative. and referenduni.
Rosewater has struck the "signed
editorial" stage In his fight on the
board of equalization, but so far no
blood has been discovered on the
tnoon.
To criticise the army, even if it uses
torture to get information and kills
all over ten, is lese majesty, and any
party that dares do it, is doomed to
overwhelming defeat in these United
States. All the great dailies say so.
An eastern daily announcing White
law Reid's arrival in London says:
"He will not formally begin his work
until the middle of- the month." What
sort of "work" is Reid going to do
after the middle of the month?. Is
it kissing the king's hand?
The officers . composing the Glenn
court-martial are all of the opinion
that the water cure is a medical rem
edy and not torture at all. They say
that it is assure cure-for dengue fever,
and is one of the most blessed of all
the agencies to induce benevolent as
similation. .
Rev. Mr. Mackay of Omaha says:
"If Christ's precepts are to be the
rule of life .we should -abolish our
armies and' navies ;and let the flag
take care of itself.' As Rev. Mackay
does not believe thatour armies and
navies "should be abolished,-it follows
that he does believe that Christ's pre-
! cepts are "not "true. Strange sore of
' fellows these modern preachers are.
Every nation on earth is making ar
( rangements for trade reprisals against
i the United States, Canada is vehem--'
ent in demands for such legislation,
j There is plenty, of trouble ahead for
. the high tariff . chaps. It is an eco
! nomic impossibility to carry on trade
with other- nations - with a prohibitive
!( tariff law on the statute books. A
; wayfaring man, though a fool, ought
; to know that much. ,
A populist farmer, informs the edi
. tor that he has come, to look, upon, the
predictions of The Independent as. in
! fallible. , He says that he remembers
, leading in this paper two or three
j years , ago a statement that , Rathbuh
and the Beveridge. thieves from Ind-
iana caught stealing in Cuba would
never be punished. , . Now every one
of them has been set at liberty. But it
j requires no great prophetic powers j to
, tell what Mark Hanna and his crowd
will do in all cases of that sort.
4 tHE FOPCII8T PLATFOBM;
Reafflrmance. of the ' populist na
tional platforms will cover the field of
national questions. In state matters,
the question of taxation is paramount,
and the convention should speak In
no uncertain tones its. position. Gilt"
tering generalities will not go. As an
abstract proposition, the statement
that every person and corporation
shall pay a. tax t in proportion to the
value of "his, her or its property and
franchises," sounds well ; ; but although
beautiful In. theory, it is difficult in
practice. The "platform must be af
firmative and as specific as possible.
Railroad, assessments, under the pres
; ent methods, of valuation, should be
increased about 50 per cent, or, stated
in terms of money, the railroad assess
ment of this year should have been
140,000,000. The . plank should state
this plainly and unequivocally. The
freight rate question should be treat
ed In like manner. ' The Omaha pop
ulists contend for a horizontal reduc
tion of 10 per cent from present rates.
Other prominent populists argue that
a 25 per cent reduction on bulky com
modities would be better. But what
ever is decided upon : must be stated
in plain terms. ; :
A reduction of passenger rates .to
2 or 2 cents-per mile, with absolute
prohibition of passes except to em
ployes of the railroads) would; be nr
injustice to the railroads; yet It
would be a substantial saving to the
persons . who pay rare, wnen tney
travel. The Independent believes that
the Issuing of passes should be de
clared a discrimination" in "passenger
traffic and treated aV all other discrim
inations are treated. A clear and well
defined fellow servant law should be
declared for and the campaign pushed
in every legislative district.
Whether it is advisable to burden th-3
platform with more than this, is
doubtful. The Omaha populists ask
for a number of planks on other mat
ters, but it is not wise to make the
platform too much of a "shot-gun af
fair." The campaign in Nebraska this
year will be fought along the old anti
monopoly lines. It is in fact a revival
of the old fight of years ago. Never
in the history of the state have the
corporations been more aggressive and
bold in their operations, and this
year's battle will be fought on the old
ground. The railroads themselves are
inviting the attack by publishing a
series of ingenious articles attempting
to show that they are paying more
than their fair share of the taxes
something few people believe. The con
test this year will decide for the
present , not only whether the people
believe that the railroads are paying
their fair share of the taxes, but also
whether, the people or the railroads
own and control the state.
. Openly, brazenly, these corporations
have dominated . every republican con
vention held in the state. The question
at no time has been, Is the candidate
able, efficient, honest? but, Has he the
backing of the Burlington, the Union
Pacific, the Elkhorn, or the Rock Isl
and? The Burlington has a candidate,
for congress in the First district; the
Elkhorn, one in the Third; the Rock
Island, one in the Fourth; the Bur
lington, one in the Fifth; and the
Elkhorn and Union Pacific jointly,
one in the Sixth. Some of these can
didates are estimable gentlemen no
doubt, but their first duty is not to the
people, but to the particular corpora
tion that "made" them.
If the people prefer railroad domina
tion, they will so elect this fall. But
let us see that the issue is squarely
presented to them. The populists and
democrats cannot hope to win by
nominating men who "will not be
fought by the railroads." These cor
porations will defeat any populist or
democrat if they canwho is not
their creature; and the election of a
populist or democratic official wear
ing the corporation collar would be
worse than defeat. There must be no
hesitancy, no catering to this Interest
or that. Nominate MEN for the offi
ces; make the platform clear-cut; sub
mit the issues squarely; and let the
people decide. .
BE .REASONABLE
This is the last issue of The Inde
pendent until after the populist and
democratic state conventions will have
been held. It has but one admonition
to give to both populist and democratic
delegates to Grand Island, and that is,
"Be reasonable." fl
This is not a year for retaliatory
tactics of any kind. It? is a year for
exercise of good judgment and com
mon sense. The .republican party,
both nationally and in this state, has
much to contend with within its own
lines. Nationally it is torn up over
the . warring beneficiaries of tariff spe
cial privileges. The eastern republi
cans have determined to enact the
Fowler bill -after election with all
Its ; elements of financial deviltry.
Probably the least of these is the
branch bank feature; but that is bring
ing the trust question home to the
little bankers of Nebraska and they
are frightened over the prospects.
The Independent has very little sym
pathy for: them, because they have
assisted in forcing other trusts upon
the people as a whole, and have talked
learnedly about "progressive tenden
cies in the business world." Now
that -these "progressive tendencies"
are developing along the line of branch
banking, -it Is a different ox that is be
ing gored,, and curses, both loud . and
deep are going up from the small
bankers all over the state in fact all
over the west. Although "misery loves
company," and The Independent might
gloat over the fact that these banker3
are now threatened with a taste of
their own bitter medicine, yet it does
not believe in cutting off", its own nose
to spite' it3 face,and its opposition to
the .Fowler bill will be in nowise abat
ed because a lot of republican bankers
are scared. It-will work hand in hand
with .them to defeat the bill and the
best way ' to do that Is to send a con
gressional delegation of six populists
and democrats to Washington. V
Notwithstanding our defeat in 190
and 1901, the outlook for success this
year- is good. But success cannot be
attained without : harmonious action
on the part of both populists and
democrats. Owing to peculiar condi
tions surrounding the presidential
campaign of 1896 the democrats of Ne
braska were not given recognition on
the state ticket commensurate with
the strength of that party in the state;
yet taking into consideration the ap
pointive offices as well as those elec
tive, the distribution was about as fair
as could be made. The well estab
lished rule of renomination, continued
the unfair distribution of the elective
offices in 1898, which was again fol
lowed in '900. However, taking ' into
consideration all elective and appoin
tive officers, the distribution was all
along much more nearly equitable
than many suppose by simply looking
at the face of the returns.
This year, if both the parties expect
to co-operate harmoniously and they
certainly ought to do so neither par
ty must be restricted to a representa
tion of but one man on the ticket. The
division must be made as nearly on
terms of equality as the circumstances
will permit. As a state and national
newspaper, devoted to the cause of
good government, it is not material
to The Independent whether this offi cer
be a populist and that a demo
crat, or vied versa, or whether all are
populists or all democrats. The prin
cipal thing is to select men for the
various offices who can be depended
upon to carry out to the best of their
ability the demands of the people
expressed in the platform. Yet with
two distinct political organizations
fighting side by side, it would not be.
in accordance with the eternal fitness
of things to select all the standard
bearers from one of the armies and
ignore the other.
The campaign of 1902 is not for this
year only. We must be guided some
what' by past experience. We must
look ahead to 1904. A careful survey
of the field satisfies The Independent
that the wisest thing for the conven
tions to do will be to select a populist
for governor and divide the remaining
offices equally between the populists
and democrats. Supporting this view
is the fact that the nominee for su
preme judge last year was a democrat
and that the nominee for supreme
judge next year will be Judge Sullivan,
a democrat, provided he is living then.
Furthermore, should the reorganizers
fail to control the democratic national
convention of 1904, it is not at all
likely that the convention would ac
cord a populist any place on the na
tional ticket.
Although holding to this opinion,
The Independent does not do so be
cause of any lack of faith in the demo
cratic gentlemen who have been men
tioned for governor. Not one of them
but deserves the high encomiums
which have been showered upon them.
But party pride must be reckoned with
and enthusiasm aroused in order to
win. This is not a year of "cinches,"
hut hard, intelligent, reasonable work
will win. Let us be reasonable.
The Independent wishes to call at
tent ion to the able and interesting cor
respondence that appears in its pages
every week. There is "no superior
writing appearing in any daily or
magazine in this country than that
furnished by William T. Bride, H. W.
R'isley, Flavius J. Van Vorhis and
John S. De Hart. The wide range of
themes that they discuss and the able
manner in which they are all handled
goes far toward making The Indepen
dent the great national organ that It
is. Risley is the right sort of a "pri
vate secretary" to send down to
Washington. Not only The Indepen
dent, but the whole fusion party of
the state is under obligations to him
The other correspondents are not
residents of this state, but they have
done equally valuable work for. the
great cause which we all love.
The imperialists of England have
learned a trick or two from the trusts
and corporations in this country. They
are going to try "government by in
junction." A suit has been brought
to enjoin the whole Irish party,"; in
eluding many distinguished men. That
seems to be going the trusts and cor
porations of this country one better.
We will have to wait and see if the
judges over there are cut from the
same piece of cloth as the federa
judges of the United States.
FOOLISH JEALOUSY. , .
The late Jay Burrows a -few yearn
ago called ' The Independent's atten
tion to a fact .that it had - overlooked
up to that time. "When I was run
ning ray alliance paper," he said, "I
occupied practically the whole field; I
was not considered the competitor of
any other reform paper published in
the state and had the hearty co-operation!
"of the ' alliance .people every
where, Today with, a couple of hun
dred; reform papers published in the
various country gown's, each of -them-or,
rather, a good "many ' of them
regard The ; Independent as a com
petitor. They are. jealous of your suc
cess because they regard-, you as a
competitor; ! every ; subscriber you get
n their territory; they consider as a
direct slap at their bread and butter."
There is no doubt regarding the cor
rectness of Mr. Burrows' -observation,
yet The Independent, was loath to be-
ieve it; " at the time. : No paper can
take' the place' of the local paper. It
occupies a field peculiarly" its own, a
field that cannot successfully be filled
by any paper published outside the
county, no matter how good that pa
per may be. In these days pf special-
zation, few progressive men get along
with one paper; but for the man who
takes but one, the home paper ought
to beand in a majority of the cases
s that one. By the aid of ready
prints, even the smallest of country
weeklies can be made to contain a
arge amount of information; and its
home news is indispensible.
The Independent is devoted to po
itical economy and to the interests of
the people's party. It has no desire
and does not pretend to occupy the
field as a local paper. It cannot give
the local news of any county unless
that news should be of a character In
teresting to the state at large. It has
no desire to encroach upon the field
of any populist or democratic county
paper published in Nebraska or else
where and could not do -so if it tried.
On the contrary, it has done every
thing it could in reason to extend the
circulation of the local democratic
and populist , papers. Wherever they
are strong, ably edited and well sup
ported, there The Independent has its
biggest lists of subscribers; and
wherever they are weak, poorly edited
and badly supported, there The Inde
pendent has the most difficulty in ex
tending its circulation.
Scarcely a democratic or populist
paper in the state hesitates to quote
from the World-Herald and give full
credit, because the idea has never ob
tained that the World-Herald is a
competitor. This is true, yet it is
more nearly a competitor of the local
paper than is Tile Independent, be
cause the Worlds-Herald's 'news ser
vice extends into ; every county. On
the other hand, with a few notable ex
ceptions, the practice is quite general
for populist and democratic local pa
pers to help themselves to Indepen
dent paragraphs without the hint of
credit and the chief reason is that
they fear the credit might result in
increasing The Independent's circula
tion.
For a good many weeks The Inde
pendent has furnished the chairman
of the populist state committee with
three columns of matter taken from
its columns, and this absolutely free
of charge. The . chairman in turn
furnishes a matrix of this matter to
the Country Publishers' Company at
Omaha, the Nebraska Newspaper Un
ion at York, A. N. Kellog Newspaper
Company at Chicago, and the Western
Newspaper Union at Lincoln and
Omaha. Any paper securing its ready
prints from any of these houses can
have this three-column service with"
out cost. Yet, strange to relate, a
number of populist papers balked be
cause credit was given The Indepen
dent. "We don't want . to advertise
The Independent' they gave as the
reason.
Sometimes this foolish jealousy does
not stop at stealing The Independent's
paragraphs without so much as a
"thank you," but . downright misrep
resentation is indulged in.. The latest
example of this latter phase is well
illustrated by an editorial In the
Schuyler Quill of June 7. The edi
torial, headed VSprecher or Bryan."
reviews - Senator Allen's editorial In
reference to nominating Mr. Bryan for
governor and contains this statement
The press of the state has been
very' liberal with: space in the In-;
! terest of Sprecher, but that gen
tleman's name never appeared m
the Madison" Mail," The Indepen
dent of Lincoln, nor in several
other so-called leading populist
papers, although all have devoted
more or less space to all the can
didates mentioned.
The evidences of foolish jealousy
are apparent. The Independent has
no false modesty to prevent it from
saying that it IS a leading populist
paper, owned by a populist, edited by
populists and with practically all its
work done by populists. It Is not "a
"populist" paper, owned by arepub:
lican, and edited by a democrat under
a pretended contract of lease, but in
reality working at a stipulated salary
and it is doubtful if The Quill can
say as much. Be that as it may, the
statement quoted is unqualifiedly false
and could only be the result of very
careless reading of Th Independent
or a wilful desire to lie. Mr. Sprecher's
name has appeared -on the seventh
page of The Independent almost every
week since The Quill first mentioned
him for governor.
EDITORIAL. DRIVEL
The magazines come along a year
or so behind The Independent in the
themes they , discuss. One or two pf
them in their last editions got so far
as to make some mild criticism; of the
drivel, that fills the editorial columns
of the great 4ailie3.i , A writer in the
Atlantic; calls it Veditorialene," which
is not half as expressive as the terms
The Independent has been applying to
that kind of writing for the last two
or three years. "It is complained that
the business office of the newspaper
rules the editorial rooms, which is
partly true. ' But there is something
beyond the business office that is still
more powerful in controlling the edi
torial writing. , A. sample of that in
fluence Jwas shown in the old Chicago
Times. ' In 1893 there began to aprJear
on its editprial page writing very much
like that which- has made the reputa
tion, and extended the circulation of
The Independent. In three months the
circulation of the Times jumped from
about 30,000 to over 100,000. That
should have been satisfactory to the
business' management." What was
the result? The Times was bought out
by the banking and money trust and
consolidated with a gold bug paper.
There was a whirlwind of protests
and discontinuances. This writer was
in Indianapolis at the time and a
news dealer informed him that over a
hundred subscribers , through his office
had stopped the paper in one day af
ter it changed its policy. That was
another - indication to the "business
office" concerning what kind of a pa
per the people wanted , but it had no
effect. It is apparent that there was
some other power besides the "busi
ness office" that dictated the sort of
editorial writing that should appear.
The writer in the Atlantic speaks of
the great daily drivel as follows:
f
Of course there will be the usual
quantum of matter that looks like
editorials, but on examination it
is found to be what might well be
patented under, the name of edl
torialene. Editorialene shrewdly
selects men of straw to trample
upon. It enunciates axiomatic
platitudes with a ponderous affec
tation of wisdom. It "socks it to
the satraps" of a safe distance in
t the past and a safe geographical
remoteness. It also twitters
sprightly commonplaces about mi
nor moralities. But you will seek
it in vain for direct, courageous,
helpful dealing with the burning
questions, the political and social
and local issues really engross
ing the best minds of the com
munity. It is not at all strange that when
The Independent gets into' the' hands
of an intelligent man for the first
time that he is enthusiastic over it,
for as the above writer says the stuff
that he has been reading lacks all
courage, point and helpfulness.
The New York Post, in speaking of
the average editorials, says that any
body could find an endless amount of
that kind of writing in the way the
dailies treated the Waller trial:
First silence, then deprecation,
then calling for a suspension of
judgment, then terrific arraign
ment of unnamed "slanders," then
noble tributes to our glorious army
their . whole course . could have
been accurately forecasted by any
one familiar with their editorial
pages. This power to predict ex
actly what certain editors will
say on given subjects Is one of
the proofs that their speech is
not free. As the Atlantic writer
says, their writing is of the per
functory type which any one may
foresee, and which a moderately
skilled pen could duplicate in ad
vance. But the Post gave its readers very
good samples of the same kind of
stuff for years when discussing the
money question. Even yet, when its
editors have occasion to write on any
economic subject, they furnish sim
ilar drivel to that which the Post so
vigorously condemns.
The Independent congratulates the
magazines on the advancement they
are making. When one of them, like
the Atlantic, gets such a hustle on it
self that it is only two years behind
The Independent, it is doing splendid
ly well. If it keeps on some of the In
telligent farmers out west will begin
to send in their subscriptions.
The republican papers and leaders
all over the country are rejoicing with
exceeding great joy over the fact that
the Indiana democratic state conven
tion" did not" allow Bryan;s name to
be mentioned and adopted a make
shift platform. The republicans know
that such action will lose thousands
of votes to the democratic party and
make' tariff grafters, trust and rail-
road corporations safe in. that state.
If they can play the same trick In a
few more states the democratic party
"will be too dead to skin," after the
next election. But The Independent's
Washington 1 correspondent, William
W. Bride, says that Bryan's name was
mentioned and cheered until the walls
of the building shook.
The Fitzgerald .store is the most
progressive dry goods store In the
west. Read the advertisement on an
other page and write for catalogue.
It's free for the " asking."
A HfJSf AN INSTITUTION.
The great economists were not .the
discoverers of the laws governing, the
creation and distribution of wealth,
they are only the men who first stated
them in the most dear and forcible
language. Thousands of men who
never read a work on political eco
nomy have thought out the . funda-.
mentalprinciples independently and
for themselves. How many times here
in Nebraska, in the old sod school
houses and elsewhere, have we heard
the following- statement: .
1 "The laws and " conditions of the
production of . wealth partake ; of the
character, of ; physical ' truths. There
Is nothing optional or arbitrary about
them. It is not so with the distribu
tion ; of., w matter, of
human institution solely. -."The things
once here, mankind, individually . or
collectively, can dc witb them as they
like. They can place them, at the dis
posal of whomsoever they please, and
on whatever terms4 they please. The
distribution pf wealth depends on the
laws and customs of society. Tho
rules by which it is determined aro
what the opinions and feelings of the
ruling portion of the community make
them end are very different in differ
ent ages and countries; and might be
still more different if mankind so
choose." ';
That is what a thousand !. populist
speakers have- said and. are still say
ing, but those wordsVare a literal ex
tract from the works' of the greatest or
all economists,' John Stuart Mill. The
laws and customs which the reign of
the republican party has imposed upon
us, gives the control of vast masses
of wealth to the trusts and corpora
tion magnates. It could as easily be
distributed in a much more equitable
manner. The concentration of wealth
in few hands is the result of law, an 1
of nothing else. - If the people deter
mine that that is the. test disposal to
make of the products of human toll,
it is easy to do it. Just keep the re
publican party in power and the
wealth will stay, in the hands of the
great trust organizers. If a majority
of the people think that that is not
the best way to dispose of the wealth,
it will be just as easy to dispose of it
in some other way. Put some party
in control of the government that is
opposed to the concentration of wealt'J
in few hands and believes that it
should be distributed in a more equit
able way and it can be done. "It is
matter of human institution solely."
DIRECT X,EGISr.ATION
I cannot agree with Mr. De Harte's
observations regarding the initiative
and referendum. It is true that "we
have seldom acted on the principle, ex
cept in the adoption of our state con
stitution but it does not necessarily
follow that it would not, therefore, be
advisable to extend the principle. The
oretically it is correct that "the elec
tion of representatives ought to de
termine the character of laws wanted."
but we know that in practice "repre
sentatives" are to a great extent mis
representatives; and the trouble is
because "we are governed by political
parties." It is little use to rail at the
"machine" as is often done unless
the principle of direct legislation be
given wider application. To smash
the "machine," under present condi
tions, is merely to swap one machine
for another. Government by political
parties' Is government by machlDe In
spite of all that reformers can do or
say against it. But without direct leg
islation, party machinery is a neces
sity. Of the fourteen million voters who
exercised their right (or privilege) of
suffrage in 1900, no one can say how
many millions were opposed to the re
publican Philippine policy or lack of
one; how many millions favored the
public ownership of the railroads, etc.;
how many were opposed to the Issue
of national bank notes as money; how
many really favored the issue of all
money direct by the government, with
out the intervention of banks, and be
lieved that every dollar should be i
legal tender to pay all debts; or how
many really favored smashing , th
trusts. The election of a republican
president was held to mean approval
of all the principal planks in the re
publican platform, and a repudiation
of the democratic platform. Yet no
candid observer would affirm that !f
the voters had been given an oppor
tunity to express themselves upon each
proposition separately that all of th.s
republican policies would have been
affirmed and all the dempcratic poli
cies reversed.
The trouble is that party affiliation
breeds partisan insanity and hero
worship. ' People vote upon measures
with less regard to party than they do
in voting for men. Here in Lincoln,
an intensely republican city, bonds
were voted for a municipal electric
lighting plant, notwithstanding the re
publican, politicians.-, were against the
measure and have since adopted dila
tory tactics to prevent final consum
mation of the plan. ;Had the; demo
cratic party espoused the . bond ; issue
in its platform, and made a campaign
upon it as a democratic measure, it
would have been defeated hands down.
I do not believe that the applicatiO'i
of direct legislation Is advisable or
necessary in a multitude of cases; but
if the people have in their own hands
a way to prevent Pbnpxlpus legisla
tion, they will not, use that power un
til necessity demands it! I It is rather a
preventive than a cure, but, as It seetna
to ffle;' about aa effectual a one as could
well be devised. There would be lit
tle incentive to corrupt a legislature
into passing a vicious law. If the peo
ple could nullify that , law v if thoy
chose. .
In Nebraska the electors have the
right to express a preference for-Unit-ed
States senator, and. this right ha
been exercised a number of times. At
the same -time their so-called repre
sentatives were elected, upon whom
devolved the legal right to elect tho
senator. In no instance was the cholco
of the people the choice of their mis
representatives. The will pf the peo
ple expressed at the polls was in every
Instance set aside and disregarded.
C. Q. De France.
- Among some old clippings handed
us this week by Gen. Victor Vifquain,
we notice the sub-head of the Blue
Valley Recprd, an anti-monopolist re
publican' paper published .at Milfprd
in 1872. J. H. Culver was one pf the
editprs. In thpse days he had npt be
come enamoured of "benevolent as
similation" and other present day re
publican fads. As 'General: Vifquain"
says, "He was all right tn those days."
The sub-head is worthy of reproduc
tion: THE BLUE VALLEY RECORD.
. Published at
MILFORD, SEWARD CO., NEB.
REPUBLICAN IN POLITICS.
Yet reserving the right to condemn
any wrong practiced In Its own or
other parties; and will oppose any
candidate foV public emolument who
is known to be incompetent or un
principled, regardless of the party he
affiliates with endeavoring to incul
cate at all times and under all cir
cumstances a due regard for honesty
and capability, and seeking to sustal.i
only the HIGHEST AND BEST PRIN
CIPLES IN POLITICS."
Would that more republican papers
could float, a similar banner to the
breeze.
Senator Frye is the great ship sub
sidy advocate and is also one of the
famous commissioners who bought an
insurrection for $20,000,000 cash down
and which has cost the people of the
United States $600,000,000 up to date
to keep it going. His state seems to be
sick of the bargain for the republican
state convention of Maine passed a
resolution which says: "We approve
the policy in the new territory which
we have acquired, which will at no
distant day, result in complete pacifi
cation and the ultimate establishment
of a free, representative government."
That is not at all in accordance with
Hanna's Ohio state convention which
declared: "Our flag Is in the Philip
pines and there it will stay." Hanna
and Frye were close chum3 In advo
cating the ship subsidy steal, but they
have parted company on the quest iou
of whether "the flag shall stay put"
All of which means that there is about
as much harmony in the republican
party as there is In hades.
Mr. Crumpacker says that "when
an American ship builder can go
abroad, buy American iron products,
bring them home, pay the tariff on
them, pay transportation rates, an.l
then have them at his works cheaper
than he could buy the same products
in this country then it is high time
that the tariff was revised." But Mr.
Crumpacker can't get his republican
brethern to agree with him in regari
to that matter. So what Is he going t-j
do about it? Mark Hanna says "let
well enough alone," and what Hanni
says goes. (NV
The plan adopted by the British gov
ernment in regard to Its future com
mercial policy seems to be to narrow
its free trade policy to the British
empire and put up a tariff against all
foreign nation?.. If the British gov
ernment can get its colonies to accept
that principle, It is believed that It
will consolidate the empire and pro
duce a revenue that will make the pay
ment of the enormous English national
debt easy." One thing is certain, some
sort of a reprisal will be made as rtn
offset to the prohibitive -tariffs of th
United Statea"
A farmer handed editor a slip ot
paper . on which was written tlw-sa
words: "The editorial in last week's
Independent entitled 'Populism Pasc
and Future,' was worth more than a
whole year's subscription, for the his
tory and sound political economy that
it contained. Also the advice to youn,-
men in politics was good and should
set some of thjmtothlnking."
Light seems to be slowly entering
the dark regions of the eastern states.
Prof. Henry Wade Rogers of the Yale
law school says that trusts and tariffs
are to be the paramount questions in
pplitics fpr some time to come and as
to railroads, it will either be com
plete government control or govern
ment ownership.
In Senator Mason's committee room
hangs a copy of the Declaration of In
dependence with the following inscrip
tion beneath it: "To pne pf its de
fenders, with the cpmpliments of
Geprge F. Hoar," and in Senator
Hoar's own handwriting.