Zb ntbraskallndiptndtnt Lincoln, ntbraska. PRESSE BLDO., CORNER I3th AND N STS. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. FOURTEENTH YB AB. SLOO PER YEAR IN ADVANCE .Wbta making remittance do not leave money, with news agencies, postmasters, ; etc., to be, forwarded by them. They frequently forget or remit a- different amount than was left with them, and the subscriber fails to get proper credit. Address" all communications, and make all draf is, 'money orders, etc., payable to the Hebraska Indtptndtnt, "" Lincoln, Neb. Anonymous communications will not -'.'bo noticed. Rejected manuscript will not b returned. ONE FARC FOR BOUND TRIP There Is an old adage something to the effect that "the shoemaker's, wife and the blacksmith's mare always run with "their feet 'bare." This seems to be the rule applying to The Indepen dent last week. The following letter was sent to 120 . populist and demo cratic newspapers on June 9 and was published in a great many of them. In the hurry to get out the letters in order that the news might be dis seminated as widely as possible our own columns were overlooked: ; "Lincoln, Neb., June 9, 1902. Edi tor: I beg to announce that the chairman of the .Western Passenger association has advised me that, for the populist and democratic conven tions at Grand Island, the lines of railroad under his jurisdiction have consented to the following arrange ment: . . "Rate of one fare from points in Ne braska to Grand Island and return; excursion tickets to be sold on June 23 and 24, 1902, good for return passage until June 27. Tickets limited for going passage commencing date of sale for continuous passage in each direction. "This is an open excursion rate of one fare for .the round trip, and it will not be necessary to ask for a re ceipt with ticket. Kindly publish the fact that this rate has been made, and about the 18th or 20th of June Inquire If your railroad agent has received the necessary bulletins authorizing him to issue tickets in accordance with the above. ; . ' ' CHARLES Q. DE FRANCE, Chairman." . The army can do no wrong! Populist principles go marching on. At the recent election Oregon adopted .the initiative. and referenduni. Rosewater has struck the "signed editorial" stage In his fight on the board of equalization, but so far no blood has been discovered on the tnoon. To criticise the army, even if it uses torture to get information and kills all over ten, is lese majesty, and any party that dares do it, is doomed to overwhelming defeat in these United States. All the great dailies say so. An eastern daily announcing White law Reid's arrival in London says: "He will not formally begin his work until the middle of- the month." What sort of "work" is Reid going to do after the middle of the month?. Is it kissing the king's hand? The officers . composing the Glenn court-martial are all of the opinion that the water cure is a medical rem edy and not torture at all. They say that it is assure cure-for dengue fever, and is one of the most blessed of all the agencies to induce benevolent as similation. . Rev. Mr. Mackay of Omaha says: "If Christ's precepts are to be the rule of life .we should -abolish our armies and' navies ;and let the flag take care of itself.' As Rev. Mackay does not believe thatour armies and navies "should be abolished,-it follows that he does believe that Christ's pre- ! cepts are "not "true. Strange sore of ' fellows these modern preachers are. Every nation on earth is making ar ( rangements for trade reprisals against i the United States, Canada is vehem--' ent in demands for such legislation, j There is plenty, of trouble ahead for . the high tariff . chaps. It is an eco ! nomic impossibility to carry on trade with other- nations - with a prohibitive !( tariff law on the statute books. A ; wayfaring man, though a fool, ought ; to know that much. , A populist farmer, informs the edi . tor that he has come, to look, upon, the predictions of The Independent as. in ! fallible. , He says that he remembers , leading in this paper two or three j years , ago a statement that , Rathbuh and the Beveridge. thieves from Ind- iana caught stealing in Cuba would never be punished. , . Now every one of them has been set at liberty. But it j requires no great prophetic powers j to , tell what Mark Hanna and his crowd will do in all cases of that sort. 4 tHE FOPCII8T PLATFOBM; Reafflrmance. of the ' populist na tional platforms will cover the field of national questions. In state matters, the question of taxation is paramount, and the convention should speak In no uncertain tones its. position. Gilt" tering generalities will not go. As an abstract proposition, the statement that every person and corporation shall pay a. tax t in proportion to the value of "his, her or its property and franchises," sounds well ; ; but although beautiful In. theory, it is difficult in practice. The "platform must be af firmative and as specific as possible. Railroad, assessments, under the pres ; ent methods, of valuation, should be increased about 50 per cent, or, stated in terms of money, the railroad assess ment of this year should have been 140,000,000. The . plank should state this plainly and unequivocally. The freight rate question should be treat ed In like manner. ' The Omaha pop ulists contend for a horizontal reduc tion of 10 per cent from present rates. Other prominent populists argue that a 25 per cent reduction on bulky com modities would be better. But what ever is decided upon : must be stated in plain terms. ; : A reduction of passenger rates .to 2 or 2 cents-per mile, with absolute prohibition of passes except to em ployes of the railroads) would; be nr injustice to the railroads; yet It would be a substantial saving to the persons . who pay rare, wnen tney travel. The Independent believes that the Issuing of passes should be de clared a discrimination" in "passenger traffic and treated aV all other discrim inations are treated. A clear and well defined fellow servant law should be declared for and the campaign pushed in every legislative district. Whether it is advisable to burden th-3 platform with more than this, is doubtful. The Omaha populists ask for a number of planks on other mat ters, but it is not wise to make the platform too much of a "shot-gun af fair." The campaign in Nebraska this year will be fought along the old anti monopoly lines. It is in fact a revival of the old fight of years ago. Never in the history of the state have the corporations been more aggressive and bold in their operations, and this year's battle will be fought on the old ground. The railroads themselves are inviting the attack by publishing a series of ingenious articles attempting to show that they are paying more than their fair share of the taxes something few people believe. The con test this year will decide for the present , not only whether the people believe that the railroads are paying their fair share of the taxes, but also whether, the people or the railroads own and control the state. . Openly, brazenly, these corporations have dominated . every republican con vention held in the state. The question at no time has been, Is the candidate able, efficient, honest? but, Has he the backing of the Burlington, the Union Pacific, the Elkhorn, or the Rock Isl and? The Burlington has a candidate, for congress in the First district; the Elkhorn, one in the Third; the Rock Island, one in the Fourth; the Bur lington, one in the Fifth; and the Elkhorn and Union Pacific jointly, one in the Sixth. Some of these can didates are estimable gentlemen no doubt, but their first duty is not to the people, but to the particular corpora tion that "made" them. If the people prefer railroad domina tion, they will so elect this fall. But let us see that the issue is squarely presented to them. The populists and democrats cannot hope to win by nominating men who "will not be fought by the railroads." These cor porations will defeat any populist or democrat if they canwho is not their creature; and the election of a populist or democratic official wear ing the corporation collar would be worse than defeat. There must be no hesitancy, no catering to this Interest or that. Nominate MEN for the offi ces; make the platform clear-cut; sub mit the issues squarely; and let the people decide. . BE .REASONABLE This is the last issue of The Inde pendent until after the populist and democratic state conventions will have been held. It has but one admonition to give to both populist and democratic delegates to Grand Island, and that is, "Be reasonable." fl This is not a year for retaliatory tactics of any kind. It? is a year for exercise of good judgment and com mon sense. The .republican party, both nationally and in this state, has much to contend with within its own lines. Nationally it is torn up over the . warring beneficiaries of tariff spe cial privileges. The eastern republi cans have determined to enact the Fowler bill -after election with all Its ; elements of financial deviltry. Probably the least of these is the branch bank feature; but that is bring ing the trust question home to the little bankers of Nebraska and they are frightened over the prospects. The Independent has very little sym pathy for: them, because they have assisted in forcing other trusts upon the people as a whole, and have talked learnedly about "progressive tenden cies in the business world." Now that -these "progressive tendencies" are developing along the line of branch banking, -it Is a different ox that is be ing gored,, and curses, both loud . and deep are going up from the small bankers all over the state in fact all over the west. Although "misery loves company," and The Independent might gloat over the fact that these banker3 are now threatened with a taste of their own bitter medicine, yet it does not believe in cutting off", its own nose to spite' it3 face,and its opposition to the .Fowler bill will be in nowise abat ed because a lot of republican bankers are scared. It-will work hand in hand with .them to defeat the bill and the best way ' to do that Is to send a con gressional delegation of six populists and democrats to Washington. V Notwithstanding our defeat in 190 and 1901, the outlook for success this year- is good. But success cannot be attained without : harmonious action on the part of both populists and democrats. Owing to peculiar condi tions surrounding the presidential campaign of 1896 the democrats of Ne braska were not given recognition on the state ticket commensurate with the strength of that party in the state; yet taking into consideration the ap pointive offices as well as those elec tive, the distribution was about as fair as could be made. The well estab lished rule of renomination, continued the unfair distribution of the elective offices in 1898, which was again fol lowed in '900. However, taking ' into consideration all elective and appoin tive officers, the distribution was all along much more nearly equitable than many suppose by simply looking at the face of the returns. This year, if both the parties expect to co-operate harmoniously and they certainly ought to do so neither par ty must be restricted to a representa tion of but one man on the ticket. The division must be made as nearly on terms of equality as the circumstances will permit. As a state and national newspaper, devoted to the cause of good government, it is not material to The Independent whether this offi cer be a populist and that a demo crat, or vied versa, or whether all are populists or all democrats. The prin cipal thing is to select men for the various offices who can be depended upon to carry out to the best of their ability the demands of the people expressed in the platform. Yet with two distinct political organizations fighting side by side, it would not be. in accordance with the eternal fitness of things to select all the standard bearers from one of the armies and ignore the other. The campaign of 1902 is not for this year only. We must be guided some what' by past experience. We must look ahead to 1904. A careful survey of the field satisfies The Independent that the wisest thing for the conven tions to do will be to select a populist for governor and divide the remaining offices equally between the populists and democrats. Supporting this view is the fact that the nominee for su preme judge last year was a democrat and that the nominee for supreme judge next year will be Judge Sullivan, a democrat, provided he is living then. Furthermore, should the reorganizers fail to control the democratic national convention of 1904, it is not at all likely that the convention would ac cord a populist any place on the na tional ticket. Although holding to this opinion, The Independent does not do so be cause of any lack of faith in the demo cratic gentlemen who have been men tioned for governor. Not one of them but deserves the high encomiums which have been showered upon them. But party pride must be reckoned with and enthusiasm aroused in order to win. This is not a year of "cinches," hut hard, intelligent, reasonable work will win. Let us be reasonable. The Independent wishes to call at tent ion to the able and interesting cor respondence that appears in its pages every week. There is "no superior writing appearing in any daily or magazine in this country than that furnished by William T. Bride, H. W. R'isley, Flavius J. Van Vorhis and John S. De Hart. The wide range of themes that they discuss and the able manner in which they are all handled goes far toward making The Indepen dent the great national organ that It is. Risley is the right sort of a "pri vate secretary" to send down to Washington. Not only The Indepen dent, but the whole fusion party of the state is under obligations to him The other correspondents are not residents of this state, but they have done equally valuable work for. the great cause which we all love. The imperialists of England have learned a trick or two from the trusts and corporations in this country. They are going to try "government by in junction." A suit has been brought to enjoin the whole Irish party,"; in eluding many distinguished men. That seems to be going the trusts and cor porations of this country one better. We will have to wait and see if the judges over there are cut from the same piece of cloth as the federa judges of the United States. FOOLISH JEALOUSY. , . The late Jay Burrows a -few yearn ago called ' The Independent's atten tion to a fact .that it had - overlooked up to that time. "When I was run ning ray alliance paper," he said, "I occupied practically the whole field; I was not considered the competitor of any other reform paper published in the state and had the hearty co-operation! "of the ' alliance .people every where, Today with, a couple of hun dred; reform papers published in the various country gown's, each of -them-or, rather, a good "many ' of them regard The ; Independent as a com petitor. They are. jealous of your suc cess because they regard-, you as a competitor; ! every ; subscriber you get n their territory; they consider as a direct slap at their bread and butter." There is no doubt regarding the cor rectness of Mr. Burrows' -observation, yet The Independent, was loath to be- ieve it; " at the time. : No paper can take' the place' of the local paper. It occupies a field peculiarly" its own, a field that cannot successfully be filled by any paper published outside the county, no matter how good that pa per may be. In these days pf special- zation, few progressive men get along with one paper; but for the man who takes but one, the home paper ought to beand in a majority of the cases s that one. By the aid of ready prints, even the smallest of country weeklies can be made to contain a arge amount of information; and its home news is indispensible. The Independent is devoted to po itical economy and to the interests of the people's party. It has no desire and does not pretend to occupy the field as a local paper. It cannot give the local news of any county unless that news should be of a character In teresting to the state at large. It has no desire to encroach upon the field of any populist or democratic county paper published in Nebraska or else where and could not do -so if it tried. On the contrary, it has done every thing it could in reason to extend the circulation of the local democratic and populist , papers. Wherever they are strong, ably edited and well sup ported, there The Independent has its biggest lists of subscribers; and wherever they are weak, poorly edited and badly supported, there The Inde pendent has the most difficulty in ex tending its circulation. Scarcely a democratic or populist paper in the state hesitates to quote from the World-Herald and give full credit, because the idea has never ob tained that the World-Herald is a competitor. This is true, yet it is more nearly a competitor of the local paper than is Tile Independent, be cause the Worlds-Herald's 'news ser vice extends into ; every county. On the other hand, with a few notable ex ceptions, the practice is quite general for populist and democratic local pa pers to help themselves to Indepen dent paragraphs without the hint of credit and the chief reason is that they fear the credit might result in increasing The Independent's circula tion. For a good many weeks The Inde pendent has furnished the chairman of the populist state committee with three columns of matter taken from its columns, and this absolutely free of charge. The . chairman in turn furnishes a matrix of this matter to the Country Publishers' Company at Omaha, the Nebraska Newspaper Un ion at York, A. N. Kellog Newspaper Company at Chicago, and the Western Newspaper Union at Lincoln and Omaha. Any paper securing its ready prints from any of these houses can have this three-column service with" out cost. Yet, strange to relate, a number of populist papers balked be cause credit was given The Indepen dent. "We don't want . to advertise The Independent' they gave as the reason. Sometimes this foolish jealousy does not stop at stealing The Independent's paragraphs without so much as a "thank you," but . downright misrep resentation is indulged in.. The latest example of this latter phase is well illustrated by an editorial In the Schuyler Quill of June 7. The edi torial, headed VSprecher or Bryan." reviews - Senator Allen's editorial In reference to nominating Mr. Bryan for governor and contains this statement The press of the state has been very' liberal with: space in the In-; ! terest of Sprecher, but that gen tleman's name never appeared m the Madison" Mail," The Indepen dent of Lincoln, nor in several other so-called leading populist papers, although all have devoted more or less space to all the can didates mentioned. The evidences of foolish jealousy are apparent. The Independent has no false modesty to prevent it from saying that it IS a leading populist paper, owned by a populist, edited by populists and with practically all its work done by populists. It Is not "a "populist" paper, owned by arepub: lican, and edited by a democrat under a pretended contract of lease, but in reality working at a stipulated salary and it is doubtful if The Quill can say as much. Be that as it may, the statement quoted is unqualifiedly false and could only be the result of very careless reading of Th Independent or a wilful desire to lie. Mr. Sprecher's name has appeared -on the seventh page of The Independent almost every week since The Quill first mentioned him for governor. EDITORIAL. DRIVEL The magazines come along a year or so behind The Independent in the themes they , discuss. One or two pf them in their last editions got so far as to make some mild criticism; of the drivel, that fills the editorial columns of the great 4ailie3.i , A writer in the Atlantic; calls it Veditorialene," which is not half as expressive as the terms The Independent has been applying to that kind of writing for the last two or three years. "It is complained that the business office of the newspaper rules the editorial rooms, which is partly true. ' But there is something beyond the business office that is still more powerful in controlling the edi torial writing. , A. sample of that in fluence Jwas shown in the old Chicago Times. ' In 1893 there began to aprJear on its editprial page writing very much like that which- has made the reputa tion, and extended the circulation of The Independent. In three months the circulation of the Times jumped from about 30,000 to over 100,000. That should have been satisfactory to the business' management." What was the result? The Times was bought out by the banking and money trust and consolidated with a gold bug paper. There was a whirlwind of protests and discontinuances. This writer was in Indianapolis at the time and a news dealer informed him that over a hundred subscribers , through his office had stopped the paper in one day af ter it changed its policy. That was another - indication to the "business office" concerning what kind of a pa per the people wanted , but it had no effect. It is apparent that there was some other power besides the "busi ness office" that dictated the sort of editorial writing that should appear. The writer in the Atlantic speaks of the great daily drivel as follows: f Of course there will be the usual quantum of matter that looks like editorials, but on examination it is found to be what might well be patented under, the name of edl torialene. Editorialene shrewdly selects men of straw to trample upon. It enunciates axiomatic platitudes with a ponderous affec tation of wisdom. It "socks it to the satraps" of a safe distance in t the past and a safe geographical remoteness. It also twitters sprightly commonplaces about mi nor moralities. But you will seek it in vain for direct, courageous, helpful dealing with the burning questions, the political and social and local issues really engross ing the best minds of the com munity. It is not at all strange that when The Independent gets into' the' hands of an intelligent man for the first time that he is enthusiastic over it, for as the above writer says the stuff that he has been reading lacks all courage, point and helpfulness. The New York Post, in speaking of the average editorials, says that any body could find an endless amount of that kind of writing in the way the dailies treated the Waller trial: First silence, then deprecation, then calling for a suspension of judgment, then terrific arraign ment of unnamed "slanders," then noble tributes to our glorious army their . whole course . could have been accurately forecasted by any one familiar with their editorial pages. This power to predict ex actly what certain editors will say on given subjects Is one of the proofs that their speech is not free. As the Atlantic writer says, their writing is of the per functory type which any one may foresee, and which a moderately skilled pen could duplicate in ad vance. But the Post gave its readers very good samples of the same kind of stuff for years when discussing the money question. Even yet, when its editors have occasion to write on any economic subject, they furnish sim ilar drivel to that which the Post so vigorously condemns. The Independent congratulates the magazines on the advancement they are making. When one of them, like the Atlantic, gets such a hustle on it self that it is only two years behind The Independent, it is doing splendid ly well. If it keeps on some of the In telligent farmers out west will begin to send in their subscriptions. The republican papers and leaders all over the country are rejoicing with exceeding great joy over the fact that the Indiana democratic state conven tion" did not" allow Bryan;s name to be mentioned and adopted a make shift platform. The republicans know that such action will lose thousands of votes to the democratic party and make' tariff grafters, trust and rail- road corporations safe in. that state. If they can play the same trick In a few more states the democratic party "will be too dead to skin," after the next election. But The Independent's Washington 1 correspondent, William W. Bride, says that Bryan's name was mentioned and cheered until the walls of the building shook. The Fitzgerald .store is the most progressive dry goods store In the west. Read the advertisement on an other page and write for catalogue. It's free for the " asking." A HfJSf AN INSTITUTION. The great economists were not .the discoverers of the laws governing, the creation and distribution of wealth, they are only the men who first stated them in the most dear and forcible language. Thousands of men who never read a work on political eco nomy have thought out the . funda-. mentalprinciples independently and for themselves. How many times here in Nebraska, in the old sod school houses and elsewhere, have we heard the following- statement: . 1 "The laws and " conditions of the production of . wealth partake ; of the character, of ; physical ' truths. There Is nothing optional or arbitrary about them. It is not so with the distribu tion ; of., w matter, of human institution solely. -."The things once here, mankind, individually . or collectively, can dc witb them as they like. They can place them, at the dis posal of whomsoever they please, and on whatever terms4 they please. The distribution pf wealth depends on the laws and customs of society. Tho rules by which it is determined aro what the opinions and feelings of the ruling portion of the community make them end are very different in differ ent ages and countries; and might be still more different if mankind so choose." '; That is what a thousand !. populist speakers have- said and. are still say ing, but those wordsVare a literal ex tract from the works' of the greatest or all economists,' John Stuart Mill. The laws and customs which the reign of the republican party has imposed upon us, gives the control of vast masses of wealth to the trusts and corpora tion magnates. It could as easily be distributed in a much more equitable manner. The concentration of wealth in few hands is the result of law, an 1 of nothing else. - If the people deter mine that that is the. test disposal to make of the products of human toll, it is easy to do it. Just keep the re publican party in power and the wealth will stay, in the hands of the great trust organizers. If a majority of the people think that that is not the best way to dispose of the wealth, it will be just as easy to dispose of it in some other way. Put some party in control of the government that is opposed to the concentration of wealt'J in few hands and believes that it should be distributed in a more equit able way and it can be done. "It is matter of human institution solely." DIRECT X,EGISr.ATION I cannot agree with Mr. De Harte's observations regarding the initiative and referendum. It is true that "we have seldom acted on the principle, ex cept in the adoption of our state con stitution but it does not necessarily follow that it would not, therefore, be advisable to extend the principle. The oretically it is correct that "the elec tion of representatives ought to de termine the character of laws wanted." but we know that in practice "repre sentatives" are to a great extent mis representatives; and the trouble is because "we are governed by political parties." It is little use to rail at the "machine" as is often done unless the principle of direct legislation be given wider application. To smash the "machine," under present condi tions, is merely to swap one machine for another. Government by political parties' Is government by machlDe In spite of all that reformers can do or say against it. But without direct leg islation, party machinery is a neces sity. Of the fourteen million voters who exercised their right (or privilege) of suffrage in 1900, no one can say how many millions were opposed to the re publican Philippine policy or lack of one; how many millions favored the public ownership of the railroads, etc.; how many were opposed to the Issue of national bank notes as money; how many really favored the issue of all money direct by the government, with out the intervention of banks, and be lieved that every dollar should be i legal tender to pay all debts; or how many really favored smashing , th trusts. The election of a republican president was held to mean approval of all the principal planks in the re publican platform, and a repudiation of the democratic platform. Yet no candid observer would affirm that !f the voters had been given an oppor tunity to express themselves upon each proposition separately that all of th.s republican policies would have been affirmed and all the dempcratic poli cies reversed. The trouble is that party affiliation breeds partisan insanity and hero worship. ' People vote upon measures with less regard to party than they do in voting for men. Here in Lincoln, an intensely republican city, bonds were voted for a municipal electric lighting plant, notwithstanding the re publican, politicians.-, were against the measure and have since adopted dila tory tactics to prevent final consum mation of the plan. ;Had the; demo cratic party espoused the . bond ; issue in its platform, and made a campaign upon it as a democratic measure, it would have been defeated hands down. I do not believe that the applicatiO'i of direct legislation Is advisable or necessary in a multitude of cases; but if the people have in their own hands a way to prevent Pbnpxlpus legisla tion, they will not, use that power un til necessity demands it! I It is rather a preventive than a cure, but, as It seetna to ffle;' about aa effectual a one as could well be devised. There would be lit tle incentive to corrupt a legislature into passing a vicious law. If the peo ple could nullify that , law v if thoy chose. . In Nebraska the electors have the right to express a preference for-Unit-ed States senator, and. this right ha been exercised a number of times. At the same -time their so-called repre sentatives were elected, upon whom devolved the legal right to elect tho senator. In no instance was the cholco of the people the choice of their mis representatives. The will pf the peo ple expressed at the polls was in every Instance set aside and disregarded. C. Q. De France. - Among some old clippings handed us this week by Gen. Victor Vifquain, we notice the sub-head of the Blue Valley Recprd, an anti-monopolist re publican' paper published .at Milfprd in 1872. J. H. Culver was one pf the editprs. In thpse days he had npt be come enamoured of "benevolent as similation" and other present day re publican fads. As 'General: Vifquain" says, "He was all right tn those days." The sub-head is worthy of reproduc tion: THE BLUE VALLEY RECORD. . Published at MILFORD, SEWARD CO., NEB. REPUBLICAN IN POLITICS. Yet reserving the right to condemn any wrong practiced In Its own or other parties; and will oppose any candidate foV public emolument who is known to be incompetent or un principled, regardless of the party he affiliates with endeavoring to incul cate at all times and under all cir cumstances a due regard for honesty and capability, and seeking to sustal.i only the HIGHEST AND BEST PRIN CIPLES IN POLITICS." Would that more republican papers could float, a similar banner to the breeze. Senator Frye is the great ship sub sidy advocate and is also one of the famous commissioners who bought an insurrection for $20,000,000 cash down and which has cost the people of the United States $600,000,000 up to date to keep it going. His state seems to be sick of the bargain for the republican state convention of Maine passed a resolution which says: "We approve the policy in the new territory which we have acquired, which will at no distant day, result in complete pacifi cation and the ultimate establishment of a free, representative government." That is not at all in accordance with Hanna's Ohio state convention which declared: "Our flag Is in the Philip pines and there it will stay." Hanna and Frye were close chum3 In advo cating the ship subsidy steal, but they have parted company on the quest iou of whether "the flag shall stay put" All of which means that there is about as much harmony in the republican party as there is In hades. Mr. Crumpacker says that "when an American ship builder can go abroad, buy American iron products, bring them home, pay the tariff on them, pay transportation rates, an.l then have them at his works cheaper than he could buy the same products in this country then it is high time that the tariff was revised." But Mr. Crumpacker can't get his republican brethern to agree with him in regari to that matter. So what Is he going t-j do about it? Mark Hanna says "let well enough alone," and what Hanni says goes. (NV The plan adopted by the British gov ernment in regard to Its future com mercial policy seems to be to narrow its free trade policy to the British empire and put up a tariff against all foreign nation?.. If the British gov ernment can get its colonies to accept that principle, It is believed that It will consolidate the empire and pro duce a revenue that will make the pay ment of the enormous English national debt easy." One thing is certain, some sort of a reprisal will be made as rtn offset to the prohibitive -tariffs of th United Statea" A farmer handed editor a slip ot paper . on which was written tlw-sa words: "The editorial in last week's Independent entitled 'Populism Pasc and Future,' was worth more than a whole year's subscription, for the his tory and sound political economy that it contained. Also the advice to youn,- men in politics was good and should set some of thjmtothlnking." Light seems to be slowly entering the dark regions of the eastern states. Prof. Henry Wade Rogers of the Yale law school says that trusts and tariffs are to be the paramount questions in pplitics fpr some time to come and as to railroads, it will either be com plete government control or govern ment ownership. In Senator Mason's committee room hangs a copy of the Declaration of In dependence with the following inscrip tion beneath it: "To pne pf its de fenders, with the cpmpliments of Geprge F. Hoar," and in Senator Hoar's own handwriting.